code rousseau 2017 pdf

PDF	The Social Contract / The First and Second Discourses The volumes in this series seek to address the present debate over the Western tradition by reprinting key works of that tradition along with essays that evaluate each text from di√erent perspectives EDITORIAL COMMITTEE FOR

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THE SOCIAL CONTRACT OR PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL RIGHT

by Jean Jacques Rousseau - 1762 (G D H Cole translation) FOREWARD This little treatise is part of a longer work which I began years ago without realising my limitations and long since abandoned Of the various fragments that might have been extracted from what I wrote

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The Social Contract

prince: As was common in his day Rousseau uses ‘prince’ to stand for the chief of the government This needn’t be a person with the rank of Prince; it needn’t be a person at all because it could be a committee sovereign: This translates souverain As Rousseau makes clear on page7 he uses this term as a label for the person

Was Rousseau 'forced to be free'?
The concept that people might be ‘‘forced to be free’’ originated with Rousseau, in The Social Contract (Book 1, chapter 7, last paragraph). Jefferson never acknowledged any intellectual or moral debt to Rousseau but the debt is evident in this peremp-tory paradox.
Was Rousseau a paradox?
Rousseau’s Discourse on the Sciences and Arts constituted far more than a paradox, an intellectual or ideological game play in which the philosophes liked to indulge.
Was Rousseau a social contract?
When Rousseau’s remains were installed in the Pantheon in Paris in 1794, Joseph Lakanal, who had been one of the members of the revolutionary leg-islative Convention, remarked, ‘‘It is not the Social Contract that brought about the Revolution.
How does Rousseau use technical terms?
[In the next couple of pages Rousseau uses technical terms from math-ematics, in ways that are filtered out from the present version because they are too hard to make clear here. which they had then and don’t have now. He also exploits the ambi-guities of words that have (or had) mathematical and non-mathematical senses.

Rethinking the Western Tradition

The volumes in this series seek to address the present debate over the Western tradition by reprinting key works of that tradition along with essays that evaluate each text from di√erent perspectives. EDITORIAL COMMITTEE FOR rtraba.files.wordpress.com

JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU

Edited and with an Introduction by Susan Dunn with essays by rtraba.files.wordpress.com

Contributors

Robert N. Bellah is Elliott Professor of Sociology Emeritus at the Univer-sity of California at Berkeley. He is the author of numerous books, includ-ing Beyond Belief and The Broken Covenant, and is co-author of Habits of the Heart and The Good Society. David Bromwich is Housum Professor of English at Yale University. He is the author of several bo

SUSAN DUNN

Is there any deed more shocking, more hateful, more infamous than the willful burning of a library? Is there any blow more devastating to the core of human civilization? In the mid-eighteenth century, Jean-Jacques Rous-seau startled—and excited—his readers by praising Caliph Omar, who in the year 650 ordered the incineration of the glorious library

a new kind of social contract

A startling break with all traditional notions of government and society, Rousseau’s Social Contract (1762) comprised the final part of his political triptych. In this work, he presents a radical political vision, yet one that is perfectly consistent with his attacks on corruption and inequality in his two Discourses. The ideal society he proposes

Preface

Here is one of the greatest and grandest questions ever debated. This Discourse is not concerned with those metaphysical subtleties that have come to dominate all aspects of literature and from which the Announce-ments of Academic Competitions are not always exempt; rather it is con-cerned with those truths that pertain to human happiness. I forese

Decipimur specie recti.

We are deceived by the appearance of good. —Horace. ‘‘Has the revival of the sciences and the arts contributed to improving or corrupting morality?’’ This is the issue to be examined. Which side should I take in this question? The one, Gentlemen, that becomes a respectable man, who knows nothing and thinks himself none the worse for it. I sense tha

The Second Discourse: Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Mankind

Non in depravatis, sed in his quae bene secundum naturam se habent, considerandum est quid sit naturale.* aristotle, Politics, 1, 2. * ‘‘We should consider what is natural not in things which are depraved, but in those which are rightly ordered according to nature.’’ Notice Regarding the Notes I have appended a few notes to this work, following my

Dedication to the Republic of Geneva

most honorable, magnificent, and sovereign lords, Convinced that it belongs only to a virtuous citizen to present his country those acknowledgments it may become her to receive, I have been for thirty years past, endeavoring to render myself worthy to offer you some public homage. In the meantime, this fortunate occasion replacing in some degree th

Preface

The most useful and least perfected of all human studies is, in my opinion, that of man, and I dare say that the inscription on the Temple of Delphi did alone contain a more important and difficult precept than all the huge vol-umes of the moralists.* I therefore consider the subject of this discourse as one of the most interesting questions philos

Posed by the Academy of Dijon

What is the origin of inequality among mankind and does natural law decree inequality? rtraba.files.wordpress.com

Discourse on the Origin and the Foundations of Inequality Among Mankind

It is of man I am to speak; and the question into which I am inquiring informs me that it is to men that I am going to speak; for to those alone, who are not afraid of honoring truth, it belongs to propose discussions of this kind. I shall therefore defend with confidence the cause of mankind before the sages, who invite me to stand up in its defen

First Part

However important it may be, in order to form a proper judgment of the natural state of man, to consider him from his origin, and to examine him, as it were, in the first embryo of the species, I shall not attempt to trace his organization through its successive developments: I shall not stop to exam-ine in the animal system what he may have been i

Second Part

The first man, who after enclosing a piece of ground, took it into his head to say, this is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. How many crimes, how many wars, how many murders, how many misfortunes and horrors, would that man have saved the human species, who pulling up the stakes or filling

Where there is no property, there can be no injury.

But we must take notice, that the society now formed and the relations now established among men required in them qualities different from those which they derived from their primitive constitution; that as a sense of morality began to insinuate itself into human actions, and every man, before the enacting of laws, was the only judge and avenger of

Pectore si fratris gladium juguloque parentis Condere me jubeas, gravidaeque in viscera partu Conjugis, invita peragam tamen omnia dextra.*

From the vast inequality of conditions and fortunes, from the great variety of passions and of talents, of useless arts, of pernicious arts, of * ‘‘If you order me to plunge my sword into my brother’s breast and into my father’s throat and into the vitals of my wife heavy with child, I shall do, nevertheless, all these things even though my hand is

BY J.-J. ROUSSEAU

CITIZEN OF GENEVA —foederis aequas Dicamus leges. (Let us make fair terms for the compact.) —The Aeneid, Bk. XI rtraba.files.wordpress.com

Prefatory Note

This little treatise is taken from a longer work undertaken at an earlier time without considering my strength, and long since abandoned. Of the various fragments that might be taken from what was done, the following is the most substantial, and appears to me the least unworthy of being offered to the public. The rest of the work no longer exists. rtraba.files.wordpress.com

Introductory Note

want to inquire whether, taking men as they are and laws as they can be made to be, it is possible to establish some just and reliable rule of admin-istration in civil affairs. In this investigation I shall always strive to recon-cile what right permits with what interest prescribes, so that justice and utility may not be at variance. enter this in

Chapter 1

subject of the first book Man was born free, and everywhere he is in chains. Many a one believes himself the master of others, and yet he is a greater slave than they. How has this change come about? I do not know. What can make it legitimate? I believe I can settle this question. If I looked only at force and the results that stem from it, I would

Chapter II

primitive societies The earliest of all societies, and the only natural one, is the family; yet children remain attached to their father only so long as they need him for their own survival. As soon as this need ceases, the natural bond is dis-solved. The children being freed from the obedience which they owed to their father, and the father from t

Chapter III

the right of the strongest The strongest man is never strong enough to be always master, unless he transforms his power into right, and obedience into duty. Hence the right of the strongest—a right in appearance assumed in irony, and in reality estab-lished in principle. But will this term ever be explained to us? Force is a physical power; I do no

Chapter IV

slavery Since no man has any natural authority over his fellow men, and since might is not the source of right, conventions remain as the basis of all lawful authority among men. If an individual, says Grotius, can alienate his freedom and become the slave of a master, why should a whole people not be able to alienate theirs, and become subject to

Chapter V

that it is always necessary to go back to a first convention Even if I conceded all that I have so far refuted, those who favor despotism would be no farther advanced. There will always be a great difference between subduing a multitude and governing a society. When isolated men, however numerous they may be, are subjected one after another to a si

Chapter VI

the social pact I imagine men reaching a point when the impediments that endangered their survival in the state of nature prevailed by their resistance over the forces that each individual could use to survive in that state. At that point this primitive condition can no longer subsist, and the human race would perish unless it changed its mode of e

Chapter VII

the sovereign We see from this formula that the act of association comprises a reciprocal engagement between the public and individuals, and that every individual, contracting so to speak with himself, is engaged in a double relation, that is, as a member of the sovereign toward individuals, and as a member of the State toward the sovereign. But we

Chapter VIII

‘‘The first man,’’ writes Rousseau in a phrase like a thunderclap, ‘‘who after enclosing a piece of ground, took it into his head to say, This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society.’’ Rousseau does not much care for this man. Still, the claim to personal property was original, if only in the s

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