[PDF] Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods

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Michael Graulich

Azte c Festival s o f th e Rai n God s Aunqu e contien e rito s indiscutiblement e agrícolas, el antigu o calendari o festiv o d e veintena s ( o 'meses' ) d e l a

époc

a aztec a result a totalment e desplazad o e n cuant o a la s temporadas , puest o qu e carec e d e intercalado s qu e adapta n e l añ o sola r d e 36
5 día s a l a duració n efectiv a de l añ o tropical . Cre o habe r demostrad o e n diversa s pu - blicacione s qu e la s fiestas puede n se r interpretada s e n rigo r sól o e n relació n co n s u posició n original , n o corrid a aún . E l present e trabaj o muestr a cóm o lo s rituale s y l a re - partició n absolutament e regula r y lógic a d e la s vein - tenas , dedicada s esencialment e a las deidades de la llu- vi a - tre s e n l a temporad a d e lluvia s y un a e n l a tempo - rad a d e sequí a - confirma n e l fenómen o de l desplaza - miento . Th e Centra l Mexica n festival s o f th e sola r yea r ar e describe d wit h consi - derabl e detai l i n XVIt h centur y source s an d som e o f the m hav e eve n bee n stu - die d b y moder n investigator s (Pas o y Troncos o 1898
; Sele r 1899
; Margai n Arauj o 1945
; Acost a Saigne s 1950
; Nowotn y 1968
; Brod a 1970
, 1971
; Kirchhof f 1971)
. Ne w interpretation s ar e nevertheles s stil l possible , especiall y sinc e th e festival s hav e neve r bee n studie d a s a whole , wit h referenc e t o th e myth s the y reenacted , an d therefore , coul d no t b e pu t i n a prope r perspective . Unti l now , th e ritual s o f th e 1 8 veintenas {twenty-day 'months') have always bee n interprete d accordin g t o thei r positio n i n th e sola r yea r a t th e tim e the y wer e first describe d t o th e Spaniards . Suc h festival s wit h agricultura l rite s hav e bee n interpreted , fo r example , a s sowin g o r harves t festival s o n th e sol e groun d tha t i n th e 16t h centur y the y mor e o r les s coincide d wit h thos e seasona l events . No w i t seem s clea r t o m e tha t i n th e 16t h century , th e veintenas and their festi- val s ha d slippe d fro m thei r origina l plac e i n th e year . I n article s publishe d i n 197
6 an d 1981
, I hav e explaine d ho w th e Mesoamerican s di d nothin g t o adap t thei r 365-da
y 'vague ' yea r t o th e tropica l year , thu s permittin g thei r veintenar • definitel y wit h agricultura l rite s - t o shif t a da y ever y 4 year s an d mor e tha n a mont h ever y 10 0 years . Certai n 'month ' names , thos e wit h a seasona l content , provid e evidenc e i n thi s sense . "Atemoztli" , 'Fal l o f Waters' , durin g whic h th e god s o f rai n wer e celebrated , fel l i n December , i.e. , i n th e middl e o f th e dr y

INDIAN

A 12 , Berli n 199
2 2 1 season, in the 16th century. If Atemotztli is returned to the place its name sug- gests , th e middl e o f th e rain y season , the n Atlcahualo , 'Cessatio n o f Waters ' fall s a t th e en d o f th e we t seaso n an d Toxcatl , 'Dryness' , i n th e dr y season . Ochpa - niztli , 'Sweepin g o f th e Roads' , designate s th e activit y o f th e gentl e wind s whic h "swee p th e road s whic h th e rai n travels " - a t th e beginnin g o f th e rain y season .

Quecholli

, Panquetzaliztl i and Toxcatl, festivals of the solar gods, coincide once agai n wit h th e summe r an d winte r solstices . B y makin g th e 20t h o f Quecholl i an d th e 20t h o f Toxcat l - i.e. , th e actua l festival s day s - coincid e a s closel y a s possibl e wit h th e solstices , an d b y bearin g i n min d th e meaning s o f th e name s o f th e variou s months , on e ca n obtai n a precis e ritua l calendar" . I n 1519
, th e month s wer e of f b y 20 9 day s i n relatio n t o th e tropica l yea r an d th e seasons . Allowe d t o shift , the y constitute d a n esoteri c ritua l year , th e perfec t imag e o f th e actua l yea r bu t alway s ahea d o f it , permittin g th e anticipatio n o f seasona l event s wit h ritual . A t Contac t times , probabl y onl y th e priest s stil l un - derstoo d correctl y th e situatio n an d kep t trac k o f th e day s los t sinc e th e beginn - in g o f th e shif t i n 680-68
4 A.D. ; th e commo n peopl e tende d t o understan d th e festival s accordin g t o thei r ne w positio n an d the y explaine d the m thi s wa y t o th e friars . Ther e almos t necessaril y mus t hav e bee n som e contaminatio n o f th e ri - tua l yea r b y th e rea l one . Whe n rain s wer e expected , th e harves t ritual s wer e considere d o f littl e hel p b y th e farmers ; therefor e sacrifice s t o th e rai n deities , th e Tlaloque , wer e adde d i n severa l unrelate d festival s wher e originall y the y ha d nothin g t o do . I n thi s articl e I shal l presen t a n interpretatio n o f th e Tlaloqu e feast s a s the y reall y ha d t o b e understood , tha t is , accordin g t o thei r origina l position , be - for e an y shift . Th e tex t i s mainl y a translatio n o f fou r chapter s o f m y scarcel y distribute d 198
0 dissertation . Th e origina l ritua l yea r ha d a ver y elaborat e structure . It wa s divide d int o tw o parts . Th e nin e twenty-da y month s o f th e rain y season , beginnin g i n Apri l wit h Ochpaniztli , th e sowin g festival , corresponde d t o th e night , th e tim e whe n th e su n travel s t o th e North , i.e . underground . The nine veintenas of the dry seaso n (tonalco) corresponde d t o th e da y an d bega n wit h Tlacaxipehualiztli , th e first o f a serie s o f harves t festival s whic h laste d fro m th e en d o f Septembe r t o

December

. Durin g th e rain y seaso n ther e wer e thre e evenl y sprea d festival s de - dicate d i n th e first plac e t o th e Tlaloque ; durin g th e dr y seaso n ther e wa s onl y one , a s show n i n Tabl e I . Furthermor e th e arriva l o f th e rain s wa s celebrate d durin g th e sowin g festiva l i n Ochpaniztli , a s magnificentl y illustrated in the Co- dex Borbonicus (Graulic h 1976
, 198
0 a , b , c , 1981
, 1982
, 1984
, 1986)
. 2 2

Table 1

Rain y season : dedicated to: Dry season: dedicated to

Ochpaniztl

i Earth,Moon, Venus Tlacaxipehualiztli Sun

Teotlec

o Fire, Venus Tozoztontli Earth

Tepeilhuitl Water

Hue y Tozoztl i Maize

Quecholl

i (Earth, Moon), Venus Toxcatl Sun

Panquetzaliztl

i Fire, Sun Etzalcualiztli Water, Earth

Atemoztli Water Tecuilhuitl Salt

Titit l Earth, Moon Huey Tecuilhuitl Maize

Izcall

i Fir e Tlaxochimaco Earth

Atlcahualo Water Xocotl Huetzi Fire

I . TEPEILHUIT L O R HUE Y PACHTL I (Ma y 13-Jun e 1 i n 682
; Octobe r 11-3 0 i n 1519
) The names of the festival 'Tepeilhuitr , meanin g 'Mountai n Feast' , i s th e nam e mentione d i n Sahagún ,

Durán

, Tovar , th e Relaciones geográficas of Tecciztlan and Acolman (Caso 1967: 35-3
8 an d Table s X-XI ; Brod a 1969
: 22
; Kirchhof f 1971
: 215-216)
. I t directl y re - fer s t o th e principa l ceremonie s o f th e month . Durá n (1967 , 1 : 279
) als o propose s 'Coailhuit r whic h h e translate s a s 'Genera l Feas t o f th e whol e Earth ' althoug h 'Festiva l o f Snakes ' i s jus t a s well . W e shal l se e th e lin k betwee n th e Tlaloqu e an d th e serpents . Durán' s interpretatio n is appropriated in the sense that by celebratin g th e omnipresen t hills , th e citie s (theoricall y o n hilltops ) wer e als o celebrated . Th e mos t frequen t nam e howeve r wa s Hue y Pachtli , 'Grea t Pachtli' . I t i s foun d als o amon g th e Quich é an d Cakchique l May a (Brinto n 1893
: 297-301
) an d th e Otom i an d Matlatzinc a term s hav e th e sam e meanin g (Cas o 1967
: 223
, 231)
. I n 16t h centur y dictionarie s pachtli i s translate d a s " a certai n her b tha t grow s an d hang s i n th e trees" . Moder n author s identif y i t a s Spanis h bear d Tillandsia usneoides L . (Molin a 1970
, 2 : 79
; Sahagú n 1927
: 174
; 1950-1969
, 2 : 11 1 not e 2) .

Accordin

g t o Torquemad a (1969 , 2 : 299)
, thi s mont h an d th e previou s on e wer e calle d afte r thes e "dr y an d leaveless " epiphyti c plant s i n orde r t o signif y tha t "th e dr y season , whe n tree s los e thei r leave s an d becom e lik e dr y [... ] ha d begun " - sinc e i n th e 16t h centur y th e festiva l cam e i n October . Thi s unlikel y statemen t 2 3 is contradicted by Durán (1967, 1:153; 1971:240) according to whom pachtli owe d it s grayis h colou r t o moisture . "I n tha t seaso n - Durá n goe s o n - th e tree s i n th e hill s wer e filled wit h 'med ojo' {pachtli)". But he is no more convincing tha n Torquemada , fo r i n th e mountains , ther e i s Spanis h mos s durin g th e great - es t par t o f th e year . S o ther e mus t b e anothe r explanatio n t o th e nam e o f th e fes - tival . Thi s mont h i s th e 'Great ' Pachtl i becaus e th e precedin g on e i s th e 'Smal l

Pachtli'

, i.e. , th e smal l festiva l o f Pachtli. Wha t i s th e commo n elemen t betwee n th e tw o festivals ? I n som e respects , Pachtontl i i s a 'small ' pulqu e festiva l whil e th e followin g feas t i s a grea t one . Ther e i s indee d a n unclea r relationshi p bet - wee n pachtl i an d pulque : a pries t whos e dut y wa s t o serv e pulqu e wa s calle d "th e on e o f th e pachtli " (pachtecatl ) (Sahagú n 1956
, 1 : 249)
. Chimalpahi n (1958 : 60-65
; 1965
: 131
) mention s a rule r calle d Tzompachtl i Totoltecatl , 'Pachtli-Hai r

Totoltecatr

, th e latte r nam e designatin g a pulqu e deity . An d i n th e Wheel of Bo- ban, a post-Conques t calenda r wit h glyph s o r emblem s fo r th e months ,

Pachtontl

i i s symbolize d b y a ja r o f pulque . The ceremonies

Generall

y speaking , mos t source s corroborat e Sahagún' s descriptio n o f th e ritual s o f th e month . Image s o f th e Mountain s were fashioned by covering roots o r branche s representatin g snakes , an d figures o f th e win d gods , wit h a doug h o f amarant h see d {tzoalli). Likewise, Mountain images were made of those who ha d bee n burie d becaus e the y ha d die d drowne d o r struc k b y th e lightning . O n th e 19t h day , th e effigie s wer e rituall y 'bathed ' b y washin g the m a t th e Mis t Hous e (Ayauhcalli) , a plac e dedicate d t o th e rai n gods . A t midnigh t the y wer e give n lif e b y paintin g thei r face s an d adornin g the m wit h pape r ornament s typica l o f th e Tlaloque . Th e nex t mornin g the y wer e give n incens e an d food . Pul - qu e wa s drun k an d peopl e san g fo r them . Thi s sam e 20t h day , befor e sunrise , five slave s impersonator s o f mountain s {ixiptlauan tetepe) wer e sacrificed ; fou r o f the m represente d th e goddesse s

Tepexoch

, Matlalcueye , Xochtecat l o r Xochinahuat l an d Mayahuel , wh o wa s als o th e maguey ; a ma n impersonate d Milnahuat l wh o wa s sai d t o represen t a ser - pent . Wome n carrie d th e victim s o n litter s i n a procession . The n th e victim s ha d t o ascen d th e pyrami d o f Tlaloc , th e Tlalocan , wher e thei r heart s wer e cu t out . Thei r bodie s wer e cautiousl y brough t dow n t o b e decapitate d a t th e botto m o f th e pyramid , the n the y wer e brough t t o th e war d house s (calpulco) probabl y t o b e eate n b y th e relative s an d friend s o f th e sacrifiers , i.e. , thos e wh o ha d sup - plie d th e victims . O n th e followin g day , 1 Quecholli , th e doug h image s wer e dismembered ; piece s wer e pu t t o dr y o n th e roof s an d eate n littl e b y littl e (Sahagú n 192
7

190-194

; 1956
, 1 : 124-1255
; 199-201
; 1950-1969
, 2 : 121-123
; als o Motolini a 197
0 25
; Codex Magliabechiano: 40; Costumbres 1945: 49; Tovar 1951: 31; Codex Tel 2 4 leriano-Remensis: pi. 7, p. 165; Torquemada 1969, 2: 279-280; Serna 1892: 358; Pas o y Troncos o 1905-1915,6
: 216)
.

Obviousl

y th e doug h 'Mountains ' which anyone could fashion were substi- tute s o f huma n victim s withi n th e capacit y o f everybody . Accordin g t o Durá n (1967 , 1 : 165
, 279-80
; 1971
: 256)
, the y wer e decapitate d "wit h th e sam e solem - nit y customar y i n slayin g an d sacrificin g th e me n wh o represente d th e gods" . Th e sam e autho r assert s tha t th e 'Mountains ' mad e o f distorte d branche s wer e preferentiall y fashioned , sacrifice d an d eate n b y th e lame , th e crippled , th e maine d an d thos e wh o suffere d fro m pustule s an d paralysis , "i n th e belie f tha t the y coul d cur e lamenes s an d imperfections" . Th e huma n victim s wer e man y mor e tha n thos e enumerate d b y Sahagú n i n hi s descriptio n o f th e festival . I n hi s list s o f th e building s o f th e Templ o Mayo r an d o f th e priests , h e mention s severa l othe r slaying s o f slave s representin g

Tlaloqu

e an d Rabbits . O n th e othe r hand , Durá n mention s sacrifice s o f children , wh o wer e th e usua l victim s fo r th e Tlaloque , an d o f impersonator s of Mountains. Th e mountain s I n th e ritua l year , Tepeilhuit l wa s th e first grea t festiva l dedicate d t o th e rain s an d th e Tlaloque . Th e 'Littl e Molde d Ones' , th e Tepictoto n a s wer e calle d th e doug h images , "belonge d amon g th e Tlalocs " (Sahagú n 1950-1969
, 1 : 47)
. Th e mountain s wer e believe d t o b e hug e vessel s o f wate r fro m whic h cam e al l th e runnin g water s belongin g t o Chalchiuhtlicue . O n to p o f th e mountain s dwel t th e Tlaloque , an d ther e the y assemble d th e cloud s (Sahagú n 1950-1969, 11:

247-248)

. Th e Tlalocan , Tlaloc' s abode , wa s a mountain , an d s o wa s hi s temple - pyramid . Moreover , accordin g t o Torquemad a (1969 , 2 : 46)
, al l th e hig h moun - tain s wer e divin e an d i n eac h on e o f th e lesse r Tlaloqu e lived . Probabl y th e Tla - loqu e wer e imagine d a s massive , hill-lik e beings , a s amon g th e Pajapa n Nahua s today , wh o conside r th e inhabitant s o f Tlaloca n a s hair y giant s mad e al l o f a piece , withou t leg s (Garci a d e Leó n 1969
: 296)
. Th e huma n victim s mentione d b y Sahagú n i n hi s descriptio n o f Tepeilhuit l represente d Tepexoc h ('Mountai n Flower'), Matlalcueye ('Blue Skirt' or 'Netted

Skirt'

) - Tlaxcalteca n equivalen t o f Chalchiuhtlicu e - , Xochitecat l ('Sh e o f th e

Flower'

) o r Xochinahuat l ('Clos e t o th e Flower' ) - possibl y anothe r nam e fo r Xo - chiquetza l Mayahuel , goddes s o f th e maguey , an d Milnahuat l ('Clos e t o th e

Field')

, a 'serpen t deity' . Th e Xochitecat l an d th e Matlalcuey e (nowaday s th e

Malinche

) ar e mountain s fro m th e Puebla-Tlaxcal a regio n (Torquemad a 1969
, 2 : 291
; Mönnic h 1969
: 132
; Seie r 1902-1923
, 2 : 264)
. W e d o no t kno w th e localiza - tio n o f th e thre e othe r mountains . Durá n mention s othe r mountain s tha t wer e celebrated , principall y th e Tlalo c an d th e Iztaccihuatl , bot h t o th e eas t o f Mexic o City , an d als o th e Chalchiuhtlicue , th e Chicomecoatl , th e Tlapaltecat l an d th e

Cihuacoatl

, abou t whic h nothin g i s known . Mos t ofte n th e mountain s ar e ob - viousl y goddesses . Th e 'divin e women ' wer e sai d t o b e clou d deitie s t o who m 2 5

1 Rain, the day "of the beginning of rain and of sowing time and of the first sho-

wers " wa s dedicate d (Sern a 1892
: 430
; Mönnic h 1969
: 62-63)
, an d Chicomecoat l wa s th e 'elde r sister ' o f th e rai n god s (Sahagú n 1950-1969, 1: 13). Wh y di d th e Aztec s mak e 'mountains ' with effigies of the wind gods? Be- caus e th e Ehecatotonti n wh o sweepe d th e pat h o f th e rai n deitie s wer e consi - dere d a s Tlaloqu e (Sahagú n 195
8 a : 155)
. Similarly , th e dea d o f whic h image s wer e mad e wer e precisel y thos e wh o ha d bee n designate d b y thei r typ e o f deat h a s chose n one s o f Tlalo c an d wh o therefor e ha d becom e Tlaloque . Th e distorte d branches , calle d cocoa , probabl y als o wer e rai n deities . Tlaloc' s typica l fac e mas k i s mad e o f serpent s an d th e Tlaloqu e ar e ofte n figured holdin g a undulatin g ser - pen t representin g a thunderbolt . I n bot h case s th e serpen t stand s fo r fertilit y an d h e wa s mentall y associate d wit h th e peni s {.Codex Vaticanas A: pi. 73, p . 167
; Codex Borgia: 43
: th e peni s o f th e nocturna l Su n wh o i s fecundatin g th e Eart h i s a serpent) . Amon g th e present-da y Totonac s th e wate r deit y rule s ove r th e Thunder s an d th e Winds . "Th e conjunctio n o f Thunde r an d Win d produce s storm ; th e

Lightnin

g i s loosene d b y Win d - o r break s of f fro m Thunder' s shoe s - unde r th e aspec t o f a snak e calle d kitsis-luwa, i.e. 5 Serpent. So Kitsis-Luwa directly sym- bolize s lightnin g an d indirectl y th e rai n whic h wil l fecundat e th e soi l an d allo w maiz e t o grow . H e i s als o considere d th e Maste r o f th e loca l Maize" . Th e Toto - nac s als o mentio n a bi g usefu l snak e livin g i n th e fields wher e h e destroy s rodents . H e i s regarde d a s th e 'Mothe r o f al l serpents ' an d woul d b e identica l wit h 5 Serpent , wh o als o protect s th e fields an d represent s th e five type s o f maiz e (white , yellow , red , blac k an d purple ) (Icho n 1969
: 121-122)
. Ver y simila r association s o f idea s probabl y prevaile d amon g th e Aztecs .

Milnahuatl

, 'Clos e t o th e Fields' , th e deit y impersonatin g a snake, appears to correspon d t o th e protecto r o f th e fields amon g th e Totonacs . Th e coco a woul d b e th e Tlaloque , a s symbolize d b y thei r serpents-thunderbolt s and their maize, be- caus e accordin g t o th e Costumbres (1945 : 49)
, i t wa s no t onl y distorte d branches , bu t als o ol d maiz e ear s gathere d i n th e fields tha t wer e coate d wit h dough . I t shoul d als o b e remembere d tha t th e Tlaloqu e wer e th e Master s o f Maize , sinc e accordin g t o myt h the y manage d t o tak e i t awa y fro m th e Tonacatepetl , th e 'Hil l o f ou r Sustenance' . Thus , b y celebratin g th e Mountains , th e Indian s als o celebrate d th e place s o f origi n o f th e celestia l an d terrestria l waters , th e Tlaloqu e an d th e earth , th e maiz e an d wate r deitie s belongin g t o them , th e fertilizin g lightnin g an d th e maiz e generate d b y the m all . Suc h a festiva l wa s perfectl y i n it s plac e shortl y befor e th e summe r solstice , whe n th e absenc e o f rai n coul d b e disastrou s fo r th e harvests . I n th e rain y seaso n ther e wer e tw o festival s o f th e Mountains , thi s one , 4 0 day s afte r th e sowin g ritua l i n Ochpaniztli , an d Atemoztli , 6 0 day s later . I conjectur e a relationshi p betwee n th e fashionin g o f doug h image s o f mountain s an d th e fac t tha t tw o time s durin g th e growt h o f maize , first whe n i t sprea d out , an d secon d whe n th e ear s appeared , th e eart h wa s 'hilled ' (motlaltepevia), heape d up , aroun d th e stalk s (Sahagú n 1950-1969
, 11 : 283)
. 2 6 Turning to the individual plane, those who fashioned effigies of the Moun- tain s wer e thos e wh o presente d affinitie s wit h th e Tlaloque : first, th e commo n people , th e peasant s wh o depende d directl y o n th e rai n deitie s an d fo r who m th e idea l afterlif e wa s wit h th e Tlaloqu e i n Tlalocan ; the n thos e wh o wer e marke d b y th e Tlaloqu e an d bor e a physica l resemblanc e t o them : th e bubonics , dwarfs , hunchback s an d lam e one s {Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas 1941
: 211
; Sahagú n 1950-1969
, 3 : 45
; Muño z Camarg o 1892
: 154-155)
. Jus t lik e an y sacrifie r (i.e. , subject s t o who m th e benefit s o f sacrific e accrue , o r wh o underg o it s effects : Maus s 1964
: 10 ) i n Mesoamerica , the y symbolicall y die d an d resusci - tate d throug h thei r substitute s o f victims , th e Tepictoton , an d thu s 'pai d thei r debt' , a s sacrific e wa s called . Evidenc e i n thi s sens e i s th e fac t tha t th e deforme d i)erson s hope d t o recover , i.e . t o di e an d t o b e bor n again , purified . Anothe r cas e o f doug h substitute s confirm s tha t th e sacrifier s wer e suppose d t o di e throug h thei r victims . Accordin g t o th e Historia de los mexicanos ...{IdAl: 227), at the en d o f thei r peregrination s som e Mexic a grumble d a t Huitzilopochtl i wh o deci - de d tha t i n orde r t o b e perdoned , thos e wh o ha d thu s 'sinned' , lik e peopl e wit h tw o face s an d tw o tongues , ha d t o fashio n a doug h effig y wit h tw o face s an d tw o tongues , t o sacrific e i t b y shootin g arrows , an d t o ea t it . Havin g thu s 'pai d thei r debt ' an d acquire d merit , th e fashioner s an d sacri - fiers o f Mountain s no w wer e i n a positio n t o ask , the y ha d oblige d th e gods . Th e maiz e I n th e Codex Borbonicus, Tepeilhuitl is presented as a continuation of the precedin g festivals , i n particula r o f Ochpaniztli . Ther e i s a representatio n o f Tlalo c i n a shrin e o n a mountaintop , o f a processio n o f priests , on e o f who m ha s th e dres s an d th e insigni a o f Tlaloc , an d o f a litte r o f ear s o f maize , ver y simila r t o th e on e o n whic h a n impersonato r o f th e goddes s o f wate r (o r o f Chicomecoat l accordin g t o Durán ) wa s pu t t o deat h whe n seed s wer e consecrate d i n th e Och - paniztl i sowin g festiva l (Graulic h 1981)
. Th e ear s ar e covere d wit h typica l offe - ring s t o th e Tlaloque : pape r strainer s splashe d wit h blac k liqui d rubber . Ther e i s nothin g tha t allow s t o identif y thos e ear s a s th e one s tha t ver e co - vere d wit h doug h i n Tepeilhuitl . However , sinc e th e 'litter ' i s simila r t o th e on e o f Ochpaniztli , i t probabl y als o refer s t o a ritua l relate d wit h sowing . Her e to o th e tradition s o f th e present-da y Sierr a Totonac s prov e ver y useful . Th e en d o f sowin g wa s celebrate d amon g the m som e 4 0 day s afte r it s beginning . Pape r effi - gie s representin g th e differen t kind s o f maize , bananas , melon s an d water-me - lon s ar e mad e an d expose d i n stage d litters , t o b e nex t burie d i n th e fields.

Moreover

, fou r maiz e ear s o f ever y kin d ar e wrappe d u p i n pape r an d consecra - ted , t o b e use d i n th e followin g year' s seed-tim e (Icho n 1969
: 303
, 280)
. Perhap s i n th e Codex Borbonicus also , th e ear s ar e thos e o f th e en d o f sowing-time . 2 7

The pulque

Tepilhuitl-Hue

y Pachtl i wa s als o th e mai n festiva l o f th e 40
0 Rabbits , a s th e pulqu e deitie s wer e called . Thei r mother , Mayahue l - o r closel y relate d Xo - chiquetza l accordin g to the Codex Magliabechiano (p. 40; on the relationship:

Graulic

h 1979
: 452
) - wa s pu t t o death , a s wel l as impersonator s o f Tepoztecat l

Toltecatl

, Papaztac , Ometochtli , Tezcatzoncatl , Ometochtl i Yiauhqueme , Om e tochtl i Tomiyauh , Ometochtl i Tlilhua , Ometochtl i Acalhua , Ometochtl i Napp a tecuhtli , Opochtl i an d Zapotlantlacatl , all of them gods of pulque (Sahagún

1950-1969

, 2 : 167
, 173
, 176
, 199
, 201
; 1956
, 1 : 75
; 195
8 a : 156-157)
, althoug h

Nappatecuhtli

, Opochtl i an d Tomiyauhtecuhtl i were firstly Tlaloque (Sahagún 1956
, 1 : 64-65
, 70-71
; 195
8 a : 130
, 138
, 140
; Brod a 1971
: 310-311)
. Ther e wa s a mountai n calle d Yiauhquem e (Sahagú n 1956, 1: 109-110). Ther e i s nothin g surprisin g i n th e assimilatio n o f Tlaloc s wit h Rabbits . Th e latte r wer e luna r beings , a s wel l a s th e Tlaloque ; th e Tlaloca n wa s suppose d t o b e o n th e moo n (Codex Vaticanas A, pi . 2 , p . 11) ; th e moo n wa s though t o f a s a hug e vesse l o f water , lik e th e mountains . Tlalo c wa s sai d t o signif y 'th e earth' s pulque' : eve n i f thi s etymolog y suggeste d b y Rios ' {Codex Vaticanas A, pi . 55
, p . 131
) informant s i s unprobable , i t indicate s curren t association s o f idea s mad e i n tha t time ; Rui z d e Alarcó n state s tha t Tlaloc' s wif e 8 Flin t wa s a pulqu e deit y (Alarcó n 1892
: 213)
.

Accordin

g t o th e Costumbres (1945 : 49
) th e lord s becam e inebriate d an d amon g th e commo n peopl e everyon e invoke d th e pulqu e go d h e preferred . Th e unknow n autho r o f th e Codex Magliabechiano (40 vo) writes that among the

Tlalhuica

, nin e o r te n year s ol d boy s an d girl s wer e mad e drun k (pilauano) and dance d togethe r an d misconducte d themselve s an d fornicated . W e ma y suppos e tha t thi s licentiousnes s durin g th e festiva l wa s als o intende d t o favou r th e growt h o f th e maize . Durin g th e month s o f Tozoztl i an d Tozoztontl i hal f a yea r later , peopl e als o go t drun k an d invoke d th e Rabbit s t o celebrat e th e harvest s (Graulic h 1984)
. Th e cit y I f w e ar e t o believ e th e Codex Magliabechiano, Tepeilhuitl was the 'feast of th e city' , an d th e autho r o f th e Codex Telleriano-Remensis (pi. 7, p. 165) says tha t th e protecto r deitie s (o f th e cities ) wer e celebrated . Thi s i s eas y t o under - stan d whe n w e kno w tha t i n nahuat l a cit y wa s calle d altepetl, 'water-mountain'. B y celebratin g th e Mountains , the y als o celebrate d th e citie s an d thei r patrons , th e 'heart s o f th e altepetl' (Lópe z Austi n 1973
: 60)
. Lópe z Austi n (1973 : 61-65
) rightl y state s tha t a s protector s o f citie s th e patro n deitie s wer e ofte n associate d wit h wate r an d snake s {Codex Magliabechiano-. 40). In the Codex Azcatitlan, he 2 8 goes on, the gods of peregrinating peoples are all figured with rattlesnake tails.The y ar e cocoa i n th e ful l sens e o f th e word .

Moreover

, th e god s o f pulqu e wer e mostl y patron s o f cities , a s indicate d b y gentilitia l name s suc h a s Tepoztecatl , 'Th e on e o f Tepoztlan' , Totoltecatl , 'Th e on e o f Tollan' , Zapotlantlacatl , 'The Man of Zapotlan', Chimalpanecatl, 'The one o f Chimalpan' , an d s o on . T o su m up , Tepeilhuit l o r Hue y Pachtl i wa s th e first grea t festiva l o f th e

Tlaloque

, t o who m thre e veintenas wer e dedicate d durin g th e rain y season . Th e ritual s wer e aime d a t obtainin g th e indispensabl e rain s an d wate r fo r th e growt h o f maize . Th e Tlaloqu e wer e celebrate d unde r th e aspec t o f th e moun - tain s wher e al l kind s o f moistur e originate . Simultaneously , th e decease d wh o wen t awa y t o becom e Tlaloqu e themselves , th e snake s wh o protecte d th e fields an d th e lightning-serpent s wh o fertilize d them , th e pulqu e deities , th e citie s an d thei r patron s wer e als o celebrated . Bu t Tlaloque , snakes , decease d electe d b y

Tlaloc

, pulqu e deitie s an d protector s o f citie s wer e al l closel y relate d o r assimila - te d t o eac h other . It wa s th e feas t o f th e abundanc e an d consumptio n o f pulqu e an d th e en d o f seed-time . II . ATEMOZTL I (Jul y 12-3 1 i n 682
; Decembe r 10-2 9 i n 1519
) The names of the festivals Ther e ar e n o nahuat l variant s fo r 'Atemoztli' , translate d i n al l th e source s a s 'Comin g Dow n o f th e Waters ' o r 'Fal l o f th e Waters' . I n Otom i an d Matlat - zinca , th e veintena wa s calle d th e sam e wa y (Cas o 1967
: Tabl e X I an d p . 223-224
, 232
; Brod a 1969
: 23
; Kirchhof f 1971
: 218-219)
. Th e Yucate c May a name , 'Mol' , mean s 'Collecting ' o r 'Gathering' , an d ver y probabl y refer s t o th e gatherin g o f rain s o r o f clouds , a s suggeste d b y th e centra l elemen t o f th e glyph , representin g wate r (Thompso n 1950: 110). The Cakchiquel name , 'Ibota' , 'Obota' , o r 'Botam ' ha s bee n translate d a s 'Th e Seaso n o f Variou s

Colours'

, or , 'o f Mat s Rolle d Up ' (Brinto n 1893
: 299)
, bu t wha t i s allude d t o i s unclear . 'Comin g Down' , or , 'Fal l o f th e Waters ' certainl y refer s t o rainfall , a s i s de - monstrate d b y severa l illustrations . Th e Bohan Wheel represent s th e veintena wit h flows o f wate r fallin g fro m heaven . Th e Tovar Calendar (1951: pi. XII) dis- play s Tlalo c pourin g wate r fro m a ja r an d brandishin g a thunderbolt . I n th e Co- dex Magliabechiano (p. 44), the god is figured surrounded with drops of rain.

Furthermore

, t o th e ancien t author s th e 'waters ' evidentl y mean t rain . Saha - gún' s informant s comment the name as signifying 'The Tlalocs Descend'. But the fac t tha t i n th e XVIt h centur y Atemoztl i fel l i n th e middl e o f th e dr y seaso n ha s puzzle d th e Colonia l chronicler s a s wel l a s th e moder n scholars . Som e ancien t 2 9 authors tried to explain that in December "there used to be rain", or, on the contrary , tha t "i t wa s a marve l whe n i t wa s raining" , o r tha t i t ha d stoppe d rai - nin g bu t fo r a fe w places , o r tha t i t wa s goin g t o rai n i n Januar y o r February , o r tha t "thi s feas t wa s a ple a fo r rai n i n th e springtime " (Torquemad a 1969, 2:

299-300

; Codex Telleriano-Remensis: pi. 10, p. 171; Costumbres 1945: 52; Tovar 1951
: 33
; Durá n 1967
, 1 : 287
; 1971
: 462
; Codex Magliabechiano: 43 vo).

Regardles

s o f th e facts , som e moder n investigator s hav e suggeste d ne w in - terpretation s o f 'Atemoztli' . Pas o y Troncos o (1898 : 261-262
) fo r example , fol - lowin g Veyti a (1907 : 32)
, translates : 'Goin g Dow n o f th e Waters' , because , h e ex - plains , durin g th e rain y seaso n th e leve l o f th e water s goe s down . However , temo i n n o wa y ha s thi s meaning . Sele r (1899 : 123
) venture d 'Tha t b y whic h rai n i s besought' . Mor e recently . Carrasc o (1977 : 281
) asserte d tha t 'Atemoztli ' mean t 'Descen t t o th e Waters ' an d allude d t o th e sun' s crossin g o f th e rive r o f th e un - derworl d i n December . I t shoul d b e remembere d tha t generally , Mesoamerica - nist s conside r tha t i t wa s th e dr y seaso n wit h it s shorte r day s tha t corresponde d t o th e nigh t an d th e sun' s subterranea n travel (e.g. Seler 1902-1923, 3: 507;

Gonzále

s Torre s 1975
: 75)
. Suc h a n interpretatio n ma y b e tru e fo r ou r latitudes , wher e nighttim e ma y b e muc h longe r tha n daytim e an d wher e th e winte r su n i s feebl e an d rare , bu t les s s o i n Mexico . Th e Aztec s calle d th e dr y seaso n tonalco, tha t is , th e perio d o f th e tonalli o r scorchin g sun , an d ver y soo n th e Spaniard s starte d callin g tonalco, wintertime , summe r (Molin a 1970
, 2 : 149)
. Now , eve n i f on e admit s wit h Pedr o Carrasc o tha t th e dr y seaso n wa s tha t o f th e sun' s trave l i n th e underworld , th e su n certainl y woul d no t hav e entere d th e Lan d o f th e Dea d i n tha t period , bu t earlier , a t th e equinox , an d th e winte r solstic e woul d hav e corresponde d t o th e middle o f th e voyage . Anyway , ther e i s nothin g i n th e ceremonie s o f th e festiva l tha t indicate s an y relationshi p wit h th e sun .

Furthermore

, eve n i f th e ne w interpretatio n o f 'Atemoztli ' b y Pas o y Tron - coso , Sele r an d Carrasc o wer e prove n true , whic h i s unthinkable , th e proble m o f

Atlcahualo

, 'Cessatio n o f th e Waters ' (February-Marc h in 1519!) would remain unsolve d i n thei r view . Le t u s pas s ove r thos e dubiou s interpretations . 'Atemoztli " doe s mea n 'Fal l o f th e Rains' , a s evidence d b y th e Matlatzinc a an d Otom i equivalents , b y th e statement s o f th e XVIt h centur y author s an d b y th e illustrations . I f 'Fal l o f th e Rains ' happene d t o b e i n th e middl e o f th e dr y seaso n i n 1959
, i t wa s simpl y be - caus e th e ritua l calenda r wa s of f b y 20 9 day s i n relatio n t o th e tropica l year . The Festival of the Tlaloque Th e ceremonie s o f th e rain y season' s secon d feas t o f th e Tlaloqu e wer e ver y simila r t o thos e o f Tepeilhuitl . 3 0

More images of the mountains

Onc e again , doug h effigie s o f th e Mountains-Tlaloqu e (fepictoton) were fashioned , an d i n particula r o f th e Yoaltecatl , th e Cuauhtepetl , th e Cocotl , th e

Yiauhquem

e an d th e Tepetzintli . Thos e substitute s o f huma n victim s wer e mostl y mad e b y Tlaloc' s usua l chose n one s an d devotee s - fo r instance , thos e person s wh o almos t die d drowne d - wh o wante d t o di e symbolicall y throug h the m an d thu s 'pa y thei r debt' . Th e sacrifier s als o erecte d pole s wit h pape r ban - ner s staine d wit h rubbe r (teteuitl). The effigies were arrayed and adorned and offering s o f foo d an d pulqu e wer e brough t t o them . Durin g th e nigh t befor e thei r sacrifice , the y ha d t o 'kee p awake' , exactl y lik e huma n victims . Th e first da y o f th e followin g month , the y wer e pu t t o deat h b y priest s wh o ou t ou t thei r 'hearts ' wit h weavin g stick s {tzotzopaztli) and put them in a green gourd bowl (xoxouic xicalco). Thei r pape r vestment s an d th e littl e woode n oblatio n vessel s wer e burned ; th e ree d mat s o n whic h the y ha d stoo d an d othe r paraphernali a wer e lef t i n th e Mis t House . The n th e sacrifier s offere d a banque t an d at e an d drun k i n honou r o f th e Mountains . Th e wome n brough t grain s o r ear s o f maize . Accor - din g t o th e illustratio n i n Sahagún' s Primeros Memoriales, pulqu e playe d a n im - portan t par t i n thes e rituals . Th e pole s wit h sacrificia l paper s wer e brough t t o certain s place s i n th e lagun a o r t o th e mountains , probabl y wher e huma n sacri - fices too k plac e (Sahagú n 1956
, 1 : 128-129
, 214-216
; 1927
: 218-223
; 1950-1969
, 2 : 139-142
; als o Motolini a 1970
: 26
, 24
; Torquemad a 1969
, 2 : 283-284)
. Th e reaso n wh y th e image s wer e pu t t o deat h wit h a tzotzopaztli i s no t clear . Weavin g stic k belong s t o th e insigni a o f protectresse s o f weavin g suc h a s

Xochiquetzal

, Cihuacoat l an d Chantico . Today , th e Nahua s o f Pajapa n asser t tha t th e chilobos, th e unshapel y inhabitant s o f Tlalocan , canno t b e kille d b y bullet s o r side-arms , bu t onl y b y weavin g sticks . On e i s remembere d o f th e my - thologica l Mountai n o f Sustenanc e whic h coul d b e opene d onl y b y a thunderbol t (Garci a d e Leó n 1969
: 296-297
; Leyend a d e lo s Sole s 1938
: 339)
. Huma n sacrifice s

Sahagú

n doe s no t mentio n huma n sacrifice s i n Atemoztl i bu t othe r source s do . Th e Codex Magliabechiano (43 vo) describes immolations of slaves on the top o f mountain s an d o f childre n drowne d i n th e laguna . Accordin g t o Motolini a (1970 : 34)
, a bo y an d a gir l wer e take n fro m Mexic o an d throw n i n th e lak e toge - the r wit h offerings . I n th e Primeros Memoriales a woma n i s figured, dresse d i n blu e lik e a wate r goddes s an d holdin g i n he r han d a staf f decorate d wit h rubber - spotte d paper . Sh e i s probabl y a victi m impersonatin g a Tlaloc-Mountain, possi- bl y Chalchiuhtlicu e wh o i s mentione d b y Sahagú n amon g th e Mountain s cele - brate d i n Atemoztl i an d wh o i s represente d i n th e Codex Borbonicus a t Tlaloc' s sid e i n a mountai n shrine . 3 1 Children were the Tlalocs' preferred victims. They impersonated them, for the y wer e adorne d wit h th e ornament s o f thes e gods . Probabl y the y wer e sup - pose d t o loo k lik e th e Tlaloqu e wh o wer e mis-shapen , ver y short-legge d dwarf s wh o walke d wit h difficult y {Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas 1941
: 211)
. The y wer e kille d ther e wher e th e Tlaloqu e dwelt : o n to p o f mountain s o r i n th e lake , an d mor e particularl y i n th e whirlpoo l o f Pantitla n whic h conducte d t o th e underworld , t o th e ocea n an d t o Tollan , al l place s identifiabl e i n som e wa y wit h th e Tlaloca n (Durá n 1967
, 1 : 91
; Sahagú n 1956,3
: 351
; Graulic h 1979
:

263-264)

. Th e rai n Th e ceremonie s wer e intende d t o obtai n rain . Torquemad a (1969 , 2 : 284
) explain s tha t b y sacrifyin g doug h image s th e Indian s wante d t o oblig e th e Tlalo - qu e an d thu s t o compe l the m t o mak e th e rai n fall . Accordin g t o th e Codex Magliahechiano, the sacrifices of children had the same purpose. Sahagún (1950-1969 , 2 : 139
) describe s a n interestin g ritua l i n whic h th e pries t o f th e templ e o f Tlalo c trie d t o brin g abou t shower s b y imitativ e magic : An d whe n th e rai n threatened , the n h e forthwit h aros e an d too k u p hi s incens e ladle , th e ste m o f whic h wa s lon g an d rounded , an d i t rattled . Th e incens e ladl e ende d [i n th e for m of ] a serpent . An d th e hea d o f th e serpen t als o rattled ; i t als o [was ] hollow . The n h e speedil y fanne d th e coal s int o a flame . The n h e swiftl y filled i t wit h incens e \yiauhtli\, doin g onl y this . The n h e offere d incense , raisin g th e ladl e a s a n offerin g t o th e fou r directions , rattlin g [th e ladle ] greatly , t o an d fro . The n h e wen t t o al l th e courtyard s o f th e temples , offerin g an d burnin g incens e everywhere . Thu s h e besough t an d calle d upo n th e Tlalocs . Thu s h e praye d fo r rain . I n thi s wa y th e pries t produce d clouds , lightning s an d rain . Th e cloud s wer e th e smok e o f th e yiauhtli, als o calle d 'cloud herb' (Sahagú n 1950-1969, 6: 35;

Sulliva

n 1965
: 43)
; th e thunderbol t wa s th e handl e i n th e for m o f a serpen t and , sometimes , o f a fire serpen t (Sele r 1902-1923
, 2 : 856
, fig. 57
, 860-861
, fig. 60)
; th e rai n corresponde d t o th e rattlin g o f th e ladle . Th e field s

Atemoztl

i obviousl y wa s a festiva l o f th e rain y seaso n an d o f th e perio d o f growt h o f corn . Accordin g t o th e Costumbres (1945: 52), people went to the fields i n orde r t o bur n copa l an d incens e i n hono r o f th e Tlaloque . Ponc e (1965 : 126
) 3 2 and Ruiz de Alarcón (1892: 167-168) assert that such offerings used to be made i n summertime , whe n th e rai n gods'protectio n against the rodents had to be ob- tained . The commemoration of the flood No t onl y ha d regula r rainfal l t o b e secured , bu t i t wa s equall y necessar y t o tak e step s i n orde r t o avoi d a flood simila r t o th e on e whic h pu t a n en d t o a pre - viou s er a o r 'Sun ' an d "mad e al l th e mountain s perish " {Leyenda de los Solea 1938
: 327)
. Th e autho r o f th e codice s Telleriano-Remensis (pi. 10, p. 17) and Rias (pi . 70
, 72
, p . 161
, 165
) asser t tha t i n Atemoztl i th e flood an d th e surviva l o f mankin d wer e commemorated . I would have left the assertion out of account, considerin g i t a s a mer e attemp t t o explai n th e nam e o f th e month , i f ther e ha d no t bee n othe r allusion s t o previou s Suns . Concernin g Izcalli , tw o month s later , th e sam e author s explai n tha t thi s time , i t wa s th e festiva l o f fire an d "o f man - kin d whic h neve r disappeare d whe n th e worl d perished" . Ever y fou r years , the y g o on , peopl e faste d "i n memor y o f th e thre e time s th e worl d perished" . O n th e othe r hand , Tova r (1951 : 34
) mention s a ceremon y i n Titit l tha t wa s intende d t o avoi d th e destructio n o f th e univers e b y violen t winds . So , apparently , i n

Atemoztli

, Titit l an d Izcalli , th e destructio n o f th e worl d b y a flood, b y wind s an d b y Ar e wa s commemorated . The order of the previous eras (Water, Air, Fire) cor- respond s t o th e on e give n b y Rio s an d t o iconographica l evidence (Franco 1958;

Graulic

h 1983)
. W e shal l se e tha t th e veintena afte r Izcalli , Atlcahualo , reenac - te d th e beginnin g o f th e present , Mexic a era . S o her e w e hav e a serie s o f thre e month s connecte d b y th e commemoratio n o f th e pas t Suns . Amon g th e Quich é May a thes e month s wer e als o linke d toge - the r sinc e the y wer e calle d 'First , Secon d an d Thir d [festiva l o f the ] Word' . Ta - kin g int o accoun t tha t th e previou s Sun s constitute d th e commo n elemen t i n th e thre e feasts , i t i s quit e possibl e tha t th e 'Word ' allude s t o thes e eras . I n th e Po - po / Vuh (1971 : 10-11) , th e thre e successiv e creation s resulte d fro m th e divin e Word . T o conclude , 'Descen t o f th e Waters ' wa s a festiva l dedicate d t o th e Tlalo - que . The y wer e addresse d t o becaus e an y lac k o r exces s o f rain s coul d hav e dis - astrou s consequence s fo r th e harvests . Simultaneousl y th e flood wa s remem - bere d an d anothe r on e avoided . Th e festiva l wa s perfectl y i n it s plac e i n th e rain y season . It s ritual s almos t reproduce d thos e o f Tepeilhuitl . 3 3

III. ATLCAHUALO OR CUAHUITLEUA

(Septembe r 9-2 9 i n 682
, Februar y 13-Marc h 4 i n 1519
) The sacrifice of children to the Tlaloque Afte r Tepeilhuit l an d Atemoztli , Atlcahual o wa s th e thir d veintena of the rain y seaso n dedicate d t o th e Tlalocs . Th e principa l ceremonie s consiste d i n im - molation s o f children . Sahagú n say s tha t thos e sacrifice s wer e carrie d o n durin g th e followin g month s o f Tlacaxipehualiztli , Tozoztontl i an d Hue y Tozoztli , tha t is , unti l th e rain s came , fo r th e 20t h da y o f Hue y Tozoztl i correspond s t o Apri l 2 2 i n th e friar' s correlation . I n Atlcahualo , th e sacrifice s o f childre n wer e th e cor e o f th e festival , bu t no t s o i n th e followin g feasts . It i s ver y clea r tha t th e constituen t ritual s o f Tlacaxi - pehualiztli , Tozoztontl i an d Hue y Tozoztl i ha d littl e t o d o wit h th e rai n deitie s (Graulic h 1984)
. Therefor e th e immolation s o f childre n tha t too k plac e i n thes e 'months ' di d no t reall y belon g t o them : the y wer e circumstantia l an d boun d t o th e tropica l year , t o th e actua l seasona l phenomena : fo r a matte r a s essentia l a s th e arriva l o f th e rain s i n du e time , th e ceremonie s performe d unseasonabl y i n th e shifte d ritua l yea r probabl y appeare d as unsufficient . I conjectur e tha t i n Marc h an d Apri l sacrifice s wer e offere d t o th e Tlaloque , independentl y fro m th e veintenas, i n orde r t o obtai n thei r benevolence , t o oblig e them , t o urg e the m t o appea r i n time . I n th e 15t h an d 16t h centuries , Atlcahual o ha d slippe d unti l February - March , s o tha t th e immolation s o f childre n typica l o f thi s mont h coincide d wit h thos e linke d t o th e tropica l year ; moreover , the y eve n seeme d t o for m th e begin - nin g o f th e series . Th e festiva l aime d a t obtainin g th e las t rain s th e maiz e nee - de d an d a t givin g thank s t o th e Tlaloqu e fo r thei r favours , no w cam e t o b e th e first o f a serie s o f fixed ritual s aime d a t obtainin g th e star t o f th e rain y season ! Fro m thi s peculiarit y a n easil y understandabl e contaminatio n resulted . Certai n detail s sugges t tha t whe n th e Mexica s performe d th e ritual s o f Atlcahualo , the y ha d a t leas t a s muc h th e beginnin g rain y seaso n i n min d a s th e ritua l finishing one . The names of the month Ther e ar e severa l nahuat l name s fo r thi s month . 'Atlcahualo' , 'Cessatio n o f th e Rains' , wa s curren t amon g th e Mexic a an d i n man y citie s o f th e Valle y o f

Mexico

. A variant , 'Atlmotzacuaya' , means 'Shutting off, Stopping of the Water' (Durá n 1967
, 1 : 240
; 1971
: 413)
. Th e feas t wa s dedicate d t o th e Tlaloque , s o th e nam e undoubtedl y refer s t o th e en d o f raining . 3 4 In the region of Tlaxcala and among the Otomis the month was called resp. 'Xilomaniztli' , 'Offerin g o f Jilotes' (tende r ear s o f maize) , an d 'Ambuoendaxi' , 'Growt h o f Jilotes' (Cas o 1967
: 3 5 an d Tabl e X ; Brod a 1969
: 19-20 ; Kuble r an d Gibso n 1951
: 35-36)
. I n th e XVIt h centuiy , Atlcahual o fel l o n th e en d o f th e dry season , a cir - cumstanc e whic h gav e ris e t o embarrasse d an d contradictor y statement s fro m th e ancien t authors . Durá n (1967 , 1 : 240
; 1972
: 413
) fo r instanc e explain s 'Stoppin g o f th e Water ' b y th e fac t tha t "i n Marc h a fe w shower s bega n t o fal l an d th e cornfields , whic h ha d bee n irrigate d u p t o tha t point , n o longe r neede d th e water" . "Fo r th e sam e reason" , h e goe s on , "th e fourt h nam e o f thi s da y wa s

Xilomaniztli"

, whic h mean s tha t "ther e alread y wa s fres h an d tende r corn" . Fo r Torquemad a (1969 , 2 : 295)
, thing s wer e quit e different .

Atlcahualo

, h e says , means : whe n wate r i s wanted , o r whe n ther e i s cessatio n an d shortag e o f water ; becaus e i n thes e time s o f February , ther e i s n o water , fo r rai n start s i n April , althoug h sometime s ther e ar e som e shower s i n March , whic h ar e ver y usefu l i n orde r t o star t sowin g cor n an d maize .

Concernin

g Xilomaniztl i h e explain s tha t th e veinten a wa s calle d thi s wa y no t becaus e \jilotes] wer e offere d then , a s som e wante d t o believe , fo r the n the y aren' t sow n yet , a s everybod y know s an d a s i t i s ver y noto- riou s i n th e whol e country ; bu t becaus e i n thi s provinc e o f Tlaxcala , the y begi n t o so w i n th e highland s i n thi s mont h o f February , whic h wa s th e first o f thei r year ; an d [i t is ] i n solem n thank s fo r havin g bee n permitte d t o reac h th e tim e o f sowin g th e grain s o f thei r foo d tha t the y ha d t o mak e th e sai d offerin g o f grain s o f maiz e [...] . Sern a (1892 : 323
) avoide d th e proble m b y translatin g 'Atlcahualo ' a s 'Buyin g th e Rains' , whic h canno t b e substantiated . I n th e Codex Magliabechiano (2 8 vo) , 'Cessatio n o f Water ' i s explaine d b y th e fac t tha t th e fishermen the n stoppe d fishing! Veyti a (1907:33-4 ) resume s thi s interpretatio n whil e observin g nevertheles s tha t actually , fishing stoppe d onl y i n May . H e furthermor e con - firms tha t i t i s senseles s t o spea k o f jilotes i n February . Fo r Clavijer o (1964 : 290)
. 'Ceasin g o f Water ' refer s t o th e en d o f th e winte r rain s i n th e Norther n countrie s where , i n hi s opinion , th e Mexica n o r Tolte c calenda r originated . Thes e explanation s ar e obviousl y whimsical . Comin g 6 0 day s afte r

Atemoztli

, 'Descen t o f Water' , Atlcahual o mean s th e en d o f rainin g an d o f th e rain y season . 'Xilomaniztli ' doe s no t invalidat e thi s interpretation : i n Septembe r ther e stil l coul d b e tende r ear s i n th e fields.

Anothe

r Nahuat l name , 'Cuahuitlehua' , 'Th e Thre e Rises ' (o r 'Th e Tree s

Rise')

, wa s equall y wide-spread . Durá n (1971 : 413
, 467
) make s th e followin g comment :

Cuahuitlehua

, whic h mean s Whe n th e Tree s Begi n t o Wal k o r Whe n th e Tree s Begi n t o Rise . Thi s mean t tha t th e trees , whic h wer e droopin g an d ha d withere d wit h th e fros t o f winter , no w rose , budded . 3 5 and gave forth flowers and leaves. And in truth that is when trees be- com e gree n agai n an d becom e covere d wit h flower s an d life . I n anothe r chapte r h e give s informatio n o n th e ritua l related , a t leas t i n hi s opi - nion , wit h th e name : A s w e hav e stated , th e wor d mean s T o Bu d o r Whe n th e Tree s Gro w Green . [... ] Tree s wer e honored , se t up ; an d therefor e a ceremon y wa s mad e t o exto l th e festivity . Lon g branche s wit h thei r twig s wer e stuc k int o th e groun d nea r th e place s o f sacrific e an d alon g th e streets . W e alread y kno w tha t actually , th e erectio n o f pole s occurre d i n othe r festi - val s o f th e Tlaloqu e a s wel l an d tha t i t ha s littl e t o d o wit h buddin g trees . Bu t ther e wa s anothe r ceremon y tha t justifie d th e nam e Cuahuitlehua , o r 'Pariche' , 'Amon g th e Trees' , an d 'Che' , 'Tree' , a s th e Cakchique l an d th e Quich é calle d th e feas t (Brinto n 1893
: 300)
. On e o r severa l tree s wer e erected , probabl y wit h th e objec t o f sustainin g th e heavens , fo r th e perio d wa s a critica l one . I t wa s equinox , a momen t o f transitio n an d o f fragil e equilibrium . Th e rain y seaso n ende d an d th e dr y season , wit h th e mythica l emergenc e o f th e su n fro m th e un - derworld , wa s anxiousl y hope d for . Moreover , durin g th e thre e precedin g months , th e destruction s o f previou s age s ha d bee n commemorated ; therefore th e beginnin g o f a ne w era , th e presen t one , wa s t o b e reenacted , an d an y transi - tio n fro m on e ag e t o anothe r wa s dangerou s and required precautions, the most importan t o f whic h certainl y wa s t o suppor t heave n o r t o lif t i t u p again , a s ha d b e don e b y tree s a t th e beginnin g o f th e presen t ag e {Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas 1965
: 32)
. I n th e 'parallel ' veintena, Xocot l Huetzi , exactl y hal f a yea r later , a t th e sprin g equino x an d a t th e en d o f th e dr y season , a tre e tha t ros e u p t o heave n an d sustaine d i t wa s als o erected .

Analysis

of the rites Th e immolation s o f childre n

Accordin

g t o Sahagún , peopl e 'pai d thei r debt ' t o th e Tlaloqu e b y killin g childre n an d b y erectin g pole s wit h sacrificia l pape r banners . Th e victims , child - re n designate d a s chose n one s o f Tlalo c b y thei r favorabl e da y sign s an d (or? ) b y tw o cowlick s o f hair , wer e bough t fro m thei r mothers . The y wer e processionall y carrie d i n litter s adorne d wit h quetza l feather s t o dwelling s dedicate d t o Tlaloc , th e Mis t Houses , wher e the y spen t th e nigh t i n vigil . Peopl e wep t an d i f th e childre n als o wen t crying , thei r tear s wer e regarde d a s promise s o f rain . Th e da y o f th e feast , th e victim s wer e conducte d t o sacrifice . The y wen t al l richl y adorne d wit h gree n feather s an d jad e bracelet s an d necklaces , an d thei r face s wer e painte d wit h liqui d rubber . The y impersonate d si x god s an d a god - dess . Group s o f victim s representin g Cuauhtepetl , Yoaltecatl , Cocotl , Yiauh - 3 6 queme and Poyauhtecatl were put to death on the mountains whose names they bore . A t Tepetzinco , a rock y isle t i n th e lagun a wher e a mythica l nephe w o f

Huitzilopochtli

, Copil , ha d bee n killed , a littl e gir l name d Quetzalxoc h an d dresse d i n ligh t blu e wa s sacrified . A t Pantitlan , th e whirlpoo l i n th e middl e o f th e lake , th e victim s impersonate d Epcoat l (epithe t o f Tlalco ) (Sahagú n 1956, 1:

109-110

, 139-142
; 1927
: 55-60
; 1950-1969
, 2 : 42-45
, 165)
. Th e Cuauhtecatl , th e Yoaltecatl , th e Cocot l an d th e Yiauhquem e wer e si - tuate d respectivel y North , South , Wes t an d Eas t o f Mexico-Tenochtitlan , Pan - titla n wa s als o t o th e Eas t but , bein g a n openin g i n th e middl e o f th e lak e an d a plac e o f communicatio n wit h th e underworl d an d th e Tlalocan , i t represente d th e cente r o f th e worl d (Graulic h 1979
: 264)
. Th e Primeros Memoriales stat e tha t th e victim s wer e accompanie d t o th e place s o f sacrific e b y th e whol e populatio n o f th e city , nobleme n an d commo n peopl e alik e (Sahagú n 1974: 19-21). The illustration shows a procession conduc- tin g a chil d t o a shrin e o n to p o f a mountain . Olmos , Motolini a (1970 : 24
, 34
) an d Durá n (1967 , 1 : 240
, 292
) mentio n im - molation s o f onl y tw o victims , a littl e bo y an d a girl , impersonatin g Tlalo c an d

Matlalcueye

, 'Blu e Skirt' . Motolini a specifie s tha t the y wer e childre n o f noble - me n o r dignitarie s an d tha t the y wer e decapitate d an d burie d i n a ston e box .

Accordin

g t o th e Codex Magliabechiano (28 vo) and Cervantes de Salazar (1971 : 42)
, th e victim s wer e conducte d b y boa t t o th e lak e an d drowned . A t Acolman , th e lord s an d th e commoner s ascende d th e mountain s t o offe r sacrificia l paper s an d cotto n manta s t o th e statue s o f th e gods . Th e offering s wer e lef t t o ro t o n th e spo t (Pas o y Troncos o 1905-1915
, 6 : 217)
. An d finally, th e Codex Vaticanus A (pi . 55
, p . 131
) mention s a divinatoi y aspec t o f th e sacrifice s o f children : i n orde r t o kno w i f th e comin g yea r woul d b e favorable , a past e mad e o f maiz e an d bean s wa s pu t i n th e womb s o f th e victim s befor e the y wer e buried . I f afte r five day s th e past e wa s rotten , th e yea r woul d b e prosperous . Firs t o f all , ther e ar e undeniabl e similaritie s betwee n th e ritual s o f Atlca - hual o an d thos e o f Tepeilhuit l an d Atemoztli . Onc e mor e th e victim s represen t

Mountains-Tlaloque

, Yoaltecatl , Cuauhtepetl , Cocot l an d Yiauhqueme , tha t is , fou r o f th e seve n deitie s enumerate d b y Sahagún , ha d alread y bee n sacrifice d i n

Atemoztl

i unde r th e aspec t o f image s o f dough . Moreover , Quetzalxoc h almost certainl y correspond s t o Xochitecatl , als o mentione d i n Atemoztli . Durin g thi s month , pape r banner s wer e als o erected . An d lastly , i n Atlcahual o also , pulqu e playe d a m importan t part . I n hi s lis t o f "thos e wh o serve d i n th e home s o f eac h o f th e gods" , Sahagú n (1950-1969 , 2 : 197
) say s tha t a pries t impersonatin g a Rabbi t go d offere d pulqu e t o th e kin g an d tha t everybody , men , wome n an d children , go t drunk .

Durán'

s feas t o f th e tre e I n connectio n wit h th e veintena Hue y Tozoztii , Durá n (1967 , 1 : 82-93
) de - scribe s ceremonie s ver y simila r t o thos e o f Atlcahualo . Som e day s befor e th e feast , peopl e wen t t o th e hil l o f Colhuaca n t o cu t th e tallest , fulles t an d mos t 3 7 beautiful tree they could find. They carried it to Mexico with great care, so that n o branc h woul d touc h th e ground , an d plante d i t befor e th e pyrami d o f Huitzi - lopochtl i an d Tlaloc . Fou r lesse r trees , formin g a square , wer e place d aroun d th e first on e whic h wa s calle d Tota , 'Ou r Father' . The y wer e tie d t o eac h othe r wit h rope s an d th e squar e wa s arrange d as a artificia l garden . O n th e ev e o f th e feast , th e king s o f Mexico-Tenochtitlan , Texcoco and Tla- copa n an d th e hostil e ruler s o f Tlaxcal a an d Huexotzinc o wen t wit h a grea t reti - nu e t o th e bas e o f th e Tlaloca n mountain . A t daw n the y conducte d a littl e bo y i n a n enclose d litte r t o a shrin e o f th e Tlaloc s o n to p o f th e mountain . Priest s cu t th e throa t o f th e child , i n th e litter , "t o th e soun d o f man y trumpets , conc h shells , an d flutes" . Th e king s an d thei r retinue s wen t i n tur n t o ador n th e sta - tue s an d brin g the m offering s o f quetza l feathers , jad e an d food , an d t o anoin t the m wit h th e victim' s blood . The n everybod y bu t a hundre d soldier s lef t t o guar d th e offerings , returne d t o Mexico .

Meanwhile

, i n th e cit y a littl e gir l dresse d i n blue , impersonatin g Chal - chiuhtlicue , goddes s o f waters , springs , lake s an d rivers , ha d bee n brought , als o i n a covere d litter , t o th e artificia l garden . Ther e sh e wa s se t dow n nea r th e bi g tree . The y san g befor e he r unti l new s arrive d tha t th e lord s wer e read y t o cros s th e lake . The n livin g goddes s an d th e Fathe r tre e wer e conducte d t o th e lake - shor e an d embarked . A t Pantitla n th e flotilla s comin g fro m th e cit y an d th e

Tlaloca

n joine d eac h other . Th e tre e wa s "thrus t int o th e mu d nex t t o th e sprin g o r drain " an d the y kille d th e littl e gir l b y cuttin g he r throa t wit h a pronge d har - poon . He r bloo d nourishe d th e water s an d s o di d he r body , whic h wa s cas t int o th e whirlpoo l togethe r wit h grea t quantitie s o f jewels , gold , preciou s stones , fea - ther s an d othe r riches . The n everyon e returne d hom e i n grea t silence . Th e tre e wa s lef t ther e unti l i t rotted. Durá n assert s tha t th e victim s wer e th e prope r boy s an d girl s o f th e Mexicas . Th e similaritie s wit h Atlcahual o ar e evident : th e imposin g processions , th e litters , th e preciou s offering s tha t wer e lef t t o rot . Ther e wer e tw o victims , lik e i n Atlcahual o accordin g t o so

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