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Yearbook of Morphology

Editors

:

Consultin

g Editors :

Editoria

l address :Geert Booij Jaa p va n Mari e

Stephe

n Anderso n (Yale ) Mar k Aronof f (Ston y Brook , N.Y. ) Lauri e Baue r (Wellington ) Mar k Bake r (Montreal ) Rudi e Both a (Stellenbosch ) Joa n Bybe e (Albuquerque , N.M. ) Andre w Carstairs-McCarth y (Christchurch )

Wolfgan

g Dressle r (Wien ) Jac k Hoeksem a (Groningen )

Rochell

e Liebe r (Durham , N.H. ) Pete r Matthew s (Cambridge , U.K. ) Fran z Raine r (Wien ) Sergi o Scalis e (Bologna ) Hen k Schultin k (Utrecht ) Arnol d Zwick y (Columbus , Ohio/Stanford )

Editors

, Yearboo k o f Morpholog y

Vakgroe

p Taalkunde , Vrij e Universitei t D e Boelelaa n 110
5 108
1 H V Amsterdam , Th e Netherland s e-mail : booij@aap.let.vu.n l

YEARBOOK OF

MORPHOLOG

Y 199
6 Edite d b y GEER T BOOI J

General

Linguistics, Free University,

Amsterdam,

The Netherlands an d JAA P VA N MARL E

Director,

PJ. Meertens Institute,

Amsterdam,

The Netherlands KLUWE R ACADEMI C PUBLISHER S

DORDRECH

T / BOSTO N / LONDO N A C.I.P. Catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress ISS N 0922-349
5 ISB N 0-7923-4563- 0

Publishe

d b y Kluwe r Academi c Publishers , P.O . Bo x 17 , 330
0 A A Dordrecht , Th e Netherlands . Sol d an d distribute d i n th e U.S.A . an d Canad a b y Kluwe r Academi c Publishers , 10 1 Phili p Drive , Norwell , M A 02061
, U.S.A . I n al l othe r countries , sol d an d distribute d b y Kluwe r Academi c Publisher s Group , P.O . Bo x 322
, 330
0 A H Dordrecht , Th e Netherlands .

Printed

on acid-free paper Al l Right s Reserve d © 199
7 Kluwe r Academi c Publisher s N o par t o f th e materia l protecte d b y thi s copyrigh t notic e ma y b e reproduce d o r utilize d i n an y for m o r b y an y means , electroni c o r mechanical , includin g photocopying , recordin g o r b y an y informatio n storag e an d retrieva l system, withou t writte n permissio n fro m th e copyrigh t owner .

Printe

d i n th e Netherland s

Table of Contents

Theme : Morpholog y an d Psycholinguistic s A selectio n o f paper s fro m th e worksho p o n 'Morphology : why , how , when , whe n not , wh y not? ' hel d a t th e Ma x Planc k Institut e fo r Psycholinguistics ,

Nijmegen

, Jun e 199
5 Gues t editors : Haral d Baaye n an d Rober t Schreude r HARAL D BAAYK N AN D ROBER T SCHREUDK R /

Morphology

: why , how , when , whe n not , an d wh y not ? 1 FRAN K ANSHE N AN D MAR K ARONOF F / Morpholog y i n rea l tim e 9 HARAL D BAAYEN , CRISTIN A BURAN I AN D ROBER T SCHREUDE R /

Effect

s o f semanti c markednes s i n th e processin g o f regula r nomina l singular s an d plural s i n Italia n 1 3 GEER T BOOI J / Autonomou s morpholog y an d paradigmati c relation s 3 5

CRISTIN

A BURANI , FRANCESC A M . DOVETTO , ANN A M . THORNTO N AN D ALESSANDR O LAUDANN A / Accessin g an d namin g suffixe d pseudo-word s 5 5 HARAL D CLAHSE N / Th e representatio n o f participle s i n th e Germa n menta l lexicon : Evidenc e fo r th e dual-mechanis m mode l 7 3

MICHAE

L GASSE R / Transfe r i n a connectionis t mode l o f th e acquisitio n o f morpholog y 9 7

WILLIA

M MARSLEN-WILSON , XIAOLI N ZHO U AN D MIK E FOR D /

Morphology

, modality , an d lexica l architectur e 11 7 ARD I ROELOF S / Morphem e frequenc y i n speec h production :

Testin

g WI;AVI; R 13 5 Othe r Article s KERST I BÖRJARS , NIGE L VINCEN T AN D CARO L CHAPMA N /

Paradigms

, periphrase s an d pronomina l inflection : a feature-base d accoun t 15 5 LOUIS A SADLER , ANDRE W SPENCE R AN D MARIN A ZARETSKAY A / A morphomi c accoun t o f a syncretis m i n Russia n déverba l nominalization s 18 1

GREGOR

Y T . STUM P / Templat e morpholog y an d inflectiona l morpholog y 21
7

Short Notice

LAURI E BAUE R / Derivationa l paradigm s 24
3 Boo k Notice s GEER T BOOI J / Wolfgan g U . Dressle r an d Cristin a Buran i (eds.) ,

Crossdisciplinary

Approaches to Morphology 257
MARTI N HASPELMAT H / Laur a A . Janda , Back from th e brink: a study of how relic forms in languages serve as source material for analogical extension 25
8 V I

Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations

GEER T BOOI J 1 . INTRODUCTION ' I n a numbe r o f recen t studie s attentio n ha s bee n draw n t o th e fac t tha t th e morphol - og y o f a languag e doe s no t alway s exhibi t a simpl e relatio n betwee n for m an d meaning . Tha t is , th e forma l sid e o f morpholog y ha s a certai n autonomy . Th e titl e o f

Aronoff

s recen t book , Morphology b y Itself (Aronof f 1994
) nicel y expresse s thi s ide a o f th e autonom y o f morphologica l form . Fo r instance , th e form-meanin g rela - tion s i n inflectio n ma y b e mediate d b y inflectiona l classe s (declinationa l classe s fo r noun s an d adjectives , an d conjugationa l classe s fo r verbs) . A s Aronof f ( 1994
) pointe d out , th e existenc e o f suc h classe s result s i n one-to-man y relation s betwee n morpho - syntacti c propertie s o f lexeme s an d thei r phonologica l forms .

Anothe

r importan t cas e o f 'morpholog y b y itself , i.e . o f autonomou s morphol - og y i s th e phenomeno n o f ste m allomorphy . A ste m i s "tha t soun d for m t o whic h a give n affi x i s attached , o r upo n whic h a give n non-affixa l realizationa l rul e operates " (Aronof f 1994
: 39)
. Fo r instance , th e Lati n verba l paradig m exhibit s thre e stems , a presen t ste m fo r presen t an d pas t tense , a perfec t stem , an d a thir d ste m for , amon g others , th e formatio n o f pas t partciples . Thus , th e ver b armure 't o arm' , wit h th e themati c vowe l /a / o f th e firs t conjugation , ha s thre e stems , arm-a (presen t stem) , arma-v (perfec t stem , a s i n arm-a-v-i ' 1 hav e armed') , an d arma-t (thir d stem , a s i n urm-a-t-us 'armed , pas t participle') . Similarly , Voge l (1994 ) argue d tha t th e verba l morpholog y o f Italia n als o require s thre e ste m forms . Thi s kin d o f ste m allomorph y canno t b e capture d b y rule s o f phonology . However , i t i s ofte n possibl e t o formulat e morphologica l rule s tha t generat e suc h 'ste m paradigms'. 2 Ste m allomorph y i s no t restricte d t o th e Indo-Europea n languag e family , bu t ca n als o b e foun d in , fo r instance , th e Daghesta n languag e Lezgia n (Haspelmat h 1993)
, th e Austronesia n languag e Mun a (Va n de n Ber g 1989)
, an d th e Nilo-Sahara n lan - guag e Turkan a (Dimmendaa l 1983)
, t o nam e jus t a few . Th e ide a tha t mor e tha n on e ste m i s neede d fo r a lexem e fo r a prope r accoun t o f morphologica l operations , bot h inflectio n an d derivation , i s no t new , a s Aronof f himsel f point s ou t ver y clearly . Wha t h e want s t o stres s i s tha t whe n a lexem e ha s mor e tha n on e stem , thi s i s no t necessaril y a matte r o f listin g th e differen t stem s (a s wa s suggeste d i n Liebe r 198
1 ) , bu t tha t th e for m o f a ste m ma y als o b e determinabl e b y rule , a s i s ofte n th e cas e i n Latin : onc e w e kno w th e firs t stem , wit h it s them e vowel , th e secon d an d thir d ste m ca n b e derive d b y rule , b y addin g v an d / respec - tively . Crucially , however , thes e element s hav e n o particula r meaning , the y ar e onl y ther e fo r th e sak e o f prope r morphologica l form . Therefore , Matthew s (1972) , fol - lowin g Hockett , refer s t o suc h element s a s 'empt y morphs' . Geert Botiij an d Jaap va n Marie (eds.>. Yearbook o f Morphology 1996,
35-53
. © 199
7 K luwe r Academic Publishers. Printed i n the Netherlands. 3 5

36Geert Booij

Thi s implie s tha t morpholog y canno t b e reduce d t o 'th e synta x o f morphemes' : w e nee d a leve l i n th e gramma r a t whic h th e for m o f word s i s compute d b y mean s o f rule s whic h ar e purel y morphological , i.e . the y onl y pertai n t o th e form s o f words , no t t o thei r meanings . Th e sam e conclusio n ha s alread y bee n arrive d a t b y Matthew s (1972 : 107)
: ".. . th e structur e o f th e wor d for m mus t b e supplie d b y statement s o f a wholl y morphologica l nature" . I n thi s paper , I wan t t o discus s ste m allomorph y i n mor e detail , mainl y base d o n dat a fro m Dutch . First , I wil l sho w tha t ste m allomorph y i s no t restricte d t o inflec - tion , bu t als o pervasiv e i n derivation . Second , an d mor e importantly , I wil l argu e tha t i n man y case s th e ste m allomorp h tha t ha s t o b e use d i n wor d formatio n i s deter - mine d o n th e basi s o f paradigmati c relation s betwee n words . Thus , i t i s show n tha t a n exclusivel y syntagmaticall y oriente d morpholog y canno t captur e certai n gener - alization s wit h respec t t o th e for m o f morphologicall y comple x words . 2 . STE M ALLOMORPH Y I N DERIVATIONA L MORPHOLOG Y

Extensiv

e ste m allomorph y i n derivationa l morpholog y ca n b e foun d i n th e non - nativ e par t o f th e lexico n o f Dutch . Man y non-nativ e lexeme s appea r t o hav e tw o stems : on e tha t i s th e prope r on e fo r non-nativ e suffixation , an d anothe r on e (th e defaul t one ) i n al l othe r cases , fo r instanc e whe n th e wor d i s use d i n isolation . Th e followin g example s illustrat e thi s phenomenon : ( 1 ) word apost[a] l 'apostle ' dram a 'drama ' functi e 'function '

Calvij

n 'Calvin ' cursu s 'course ' gymnasiu m 'gramma r school ' horizo n 'id. ' orkes t 'orchestra 'non-word stem apostol - dramat - function - calvin - curs - gymnasi - horizont - orkestr -non-native derivations apostol-isc h 'apostolic' , apostol-aa t 'apostolate' , apostol-ai r 'apostolic ' dramat-isc h 'dramatic' , dramat-ie k 'dramatics' , dramat-ur g 'dramatist ' function-ee l 'functional' , function-ee r 't o function' , function-ari s 'functionary ' calvin-ism e 'calvinism' , calvin-is t 'id. ' curs-is t 'student' , curs-orisc h 'i n a course ' gymnasi-aa l 'o f a gramma r school ' gymnasi-as t 'gramma r schoo l pupil ' horizont-aa l 'horizontal ' orkestr-ee r 't o orchestrate' , orkestr-ati e 'orchestration' , orkestr-io n 'orchestrion ' Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations37

Clearly

, thi s kin d o f allomorph y i s no t a matte r o f phonology , bu t o f 'pure ' morphol - ogy . Fo r instance , ther e i s n o rul e o f Dutc h phonolog y tha t coul d accoun t fo r th e deletio n o f th e word-fina l l\l o f th e ste m horizont- 'horizon' , no r a rul e o f vowe l reductio n tha t ca n obligatoril y reduc e th e las t vowe l o f apostol- int o a schwa . Th e analysi s o f suc h forma l variatio n tha t I woul d lik e t o sugges t fo r th e case s i n (1 ) i s indee d a n analysi s i n term s o f ste m allomorphy . Fo r instance , th e occurrenc e o f th e strin g -oneel beside s -eel i s no t t o b e interprete d a s a cas e o f suffi x allomorphy , bu t o f ste m allomorphy . I n thi s way , w e correctl y predic t tha t th e 'intermorph ' -on- recur s i n ever y derivatio n fro m a wor d suc h as functie, a s th e relevan t example s i n (1 ) show . Thi s als o implie s tha t a sequenc e suc h a s o n doe s no t hav e th e statu s o f a suffix , contrar y t o wha t Bear d (1993 : 724
) suggested . I n th e case s a t hand , ther e i s n o rul e tha t ca n deriv e on e ste m allomorp h fro m th e other . Bot h ste m allomorph s hav e t o b e listed i n th e lexicon ; on e i s subcategorize d fo r non-nativ e suffixatio n (apostol-, dramat-, function-, etc.) , an d th e othe r on e i s th e defaul t allomorp h tha t i s t o b e use d i n nativ e suffixation , i n prefixation , whe n th e wor d i s use d i n isolation , an d i n compounding . Ste m allomorph y als o play s a n importan t rol e i n th e nativ e morpholog y o f Dutch . Quit e a numbe r o f word s endin g i n schw a hav e a schwa-les s allomorp h (dat a mainl y fro m Va n Mari e (1982) : (2 ) Drent e 'id. '

Surinam

e 'Surinam ' Zwoll e 'id. ' Veluw e 'id. ' aard e 'earth ' karbonad e 'cutlet ' machin e 'engine ' weduw e 'widow ' vred e 'peace ' schand e 'shame 'Drent-s 'of Drente'

Surinaam-

s 'o f Surinam ' Zwol- s 'o f Zwolle '

Veluw-

s 'o f Veluwe' , Veluw-naa r 'inhabitan t o f

Veluwe

' aard- s 'earthly' , aard-oli e 'petroleum' , aard-noo t 'peanut ' karbonaad-j e 'cutlet , dim. ' machien-tj e 'dim. ' weduw-scha p 'widowhood ' vreed-zaa m 'peaceful ' schand-vle k 'disgrace' , schand-paa l 'pillory ' Th e disappearanc e o f th e stem-fina l schw a canno t b e explaine d b y a synchroni e rul e o f schwa-deletio n o f Dutch . Dutc h onl y ha s a n automati c phonologica l rul e o f prevocali c schwa-deletio n (Booi j 1995a
: 68)
. Also , ther e i s n o rul e o f ste m allomorph y whic h state s tha t ever y ste m endin g i n schw a ha s a schwa-les s allomorp h (compar e bode /bods/ 'messenger ' - bodetje I *boodje, o r seconde /sakonda / 'sec - ond ' / secondelje I *secondje. Therefore , bot h allomorph s hav e t o b e liste d i n th e lexicon . Th e schwa-les s allomorp h i s subcategorize d fo r derivatio n an d composi - tion , th e othe r on e i s th e defaul t allomorph . Interestingly , th e defaul t allomorp h wit h fina l schw a ha s t o b e use d i n inflection . Fo r instance , th e genitiv e for m o f Drente i s

Drente's,

no t Drents. Thi s show s tha t inflectio n an d derivatio n indee d hav e t o b e distinguishe d a s differen t subcomponent s o f th e grammar. 3 A s Va n Mari e (1982 :

38 Geert Booij

333
) pointe d out , ther e i s als o a numbe r o f words , bot h allomorph s o f whic h occu r a s independen t words ; bot h form s hav e t o b e liste d i n th e lexicon : (3 ) einde/ein d 'end' , keuze/keu s 'choice' , klasse/kla s 'class' , wijze/wij s 'man - ner ' Ther e i s als o a numbe r o f toponym s i n -e n wit h a n allomorp h withou t -en, t o b e use d i n derivationa l suffixation : (4 ) Groningen'id. ' Groning-e r (inhabitan t name) , Groning- s (adj. )

Vlissinge

n 'Flushing ' Vlissing-e r (inhabitan t name) , Vlissing- s (adj. )

Nijmege

n 'id. ' Nijmeeg- s (adj. ) Again , bot h allomorph s hav e t o b e liste d sinc e ther e ar e othe r toponym s i n -e n withou t a shortene d allomorph , fo r instanc e Haren 'id. ' wit h th e adjectiv e Haren-er. A fina l exampl e o f nativ e ste m allomorph y i n Dutc h i s show n i n th e followin g compound s an d suffixe d words : (5 ) noorde n 'north ' noorder-lich t 'norther n lights' , noorder-lin g 'northerner ' weste n 'west ' wester-ki m 'wester n horizon' , Wester-kwartie r 'Wester n quarter ' ooste n 'east ' Ooster-hou t 'Eastwood' , ooster-lin g 'easterner ' zuide n 'south ' Zuider-ze e 'Souther n sea' , Zuider-lan d 'Souther n country ' I n thes e cases , eac h nou n i n -e n ha s a n allomorp h i n -er. I n sum , ste m allomorph y i s a widesprea d phenomeno n i n Dutc h wor d formation . 3 . PARAD1GMATICALL Y DETERMINE D ALLOMORPH Y 3.1 . Noun allomorphy Dutc h ha s fiftee n noun s wit h a ste m allomorp h endin g i n -e r tha t ha s t o b e use d i n inflection , an d i s optionall y use d i n compoundin g an d derivation : (6 ) plural compounding/derivation: kin d 'child ' kinder-e n kinder-wage n 'pram' , kinder-achti g 'childish ' kal f 'cal f kalver-e n kalver-mel k 'cal f s milk ' rund'cow ' runder-e n runder-leer'cow' s leather' , runder-lapj e 'beefsteak ' e i 'egg ' eier-e n eier-doo s 'eg g box' , eier-dooie r 'eg g yolk ' bla d 'lea f blader-e n blader-dee g 'puff-paste ' Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations39 I n traditiona l grammar s o f Dutch , th e sequenc e -eren i s ofte n interprete d a s a thir d plura l ending , beside s th e suffixe s - s an d -en. However , th e example s give n abov e clearl y sho w tha t th e occurrenc e o f -e r i s no t restricte d t o plura l forms . Therefore , w e hav e t o interpre t th e form s i n -e r a s ste m allomorphs . Nevertheless , w e wan t t o expres s tha t onl y thos e noun s hav e suc h allomorph s tha t hav e a plura l for m i n -eren. So , a s propose d b y Va n de n Toor n (1982 : 27
) an d Va n Mari e (1985 : 17-18) , th e occurrenc e o f th e -er-allomorp h i s paradigmatic-all y determined , i.e . b y th e existenc e o f a morphologicall y relate d for m wit h -er: (7 ) Noun s wit h a plura l for m i n -eren hav e a ste m allomorp h i n -er. I t i s no t predictabl e whic h allomorp h shoul d b e used . Fo r instance , w e fin d rund- vlees 'bee f beside s runder-lapje 'beefsteak' . A remarkabl e complicatio n i n th e selectio n o f th e allomorp h i n -e r i s tha t th e ste m kinder 'child ' ca n b e use d i n th e plura l diminutiv e for m kind-er-tje-s 'littl e children' , bu t no t i n th e singula r form : *kind-er-tje i s impossible ; instead , on e ha s t o us e kindje 'littl e child' , whic h als o ha s th e plura l for m kindjes. Tha t is , i t seem s tha t th e selectio n o f th e correc t allomorp h i s no t determine d locally , b y th e adjacen t diminutiv e suffi x -tje, bu t b y th e plura l suffi x -s . Thi s suggest s a paradigmati c analysi s o f plura l diminutives . Jus t a s traan-tje-s 'littl e tears ' ca n b e see n a s forme d b y replacemen t o f th e plura l suffi x -e n o f tran-en 'tears ' wit h th e suffi x sequenc e -tje-s, s o kindertjes ca n b e interprete d a s bein g derive d fro m kinder-en 'children ' b y th e sam e kin d o f suffi x replacement . I n Dutch , ste m allomorph y o f noun s als o occur s a t a larg e scal e i n th e domai n o f compounding . Traditionally , w e spea k o f tw o linkin g phoneme s o r linkin g mor - phemes , /o / an d /s / tha t lin k th e constituent s o f compounds . However , phonologicall y thes e linkin g phoneme s belon g t o th e firs t constituent , a s i s clea r fro m th e fac t the y surfac e unde r gapping . Th e rul e i s tha t on e o f tw o identica l prosodi e word s ca n b e delete d (Booi j 1985)
: (8 ) hond[3J - e n kattlajbroo d 'do g foo d an d ca t food ' pruim[a] - o f appelboo m 'plu m tre e o r appl e tree ' zons - e n maansverduisterin g 'su n eclips e an d moo n eclipse '

Moreover

, th e occurrenc e o f suc h a linkin g elemen t onl y depend s o n th e firs t con - stituent . Therefore , th e ter m 'linkin g morpheme ' i s no t correct ; rather , w e shoul d interpre t thi s phenomeno n a s ste m allomorph y i n th e firs t par t o f th e compound . A s fa r a s th e occurrenc e o f th e allomorp h i n schw a i s concerned , th e followin g generalizatio n ca n b e mad e (Va n Mari e 1985
, D e Haa s & Trommele n 1993
: 404ff)
: (9 ) Onl y noun s wit h a plura l i n -e n ca n hav e a n allomorp h i n - e i n th e non - head-positio n o f a compound . (Recal l tha t Dutc h ha s tw o plura l suffixes , - s an d -en.) So , a nou n suc h a s schaap 'sheep ' ha s thre e allomorphs , schaap, schaaps an d schape:

40 Geert Booij

(10 ) schaap-herde r 'shepherd' , schaaps-koo i 'sheep-fold' , schape-vlee s 'mut - ton ' Noun s wit h th e plura l suffi x -s , o n th e othe r hand , ca n onl y hav e a n allomorp h i n -s , neve r on e i n -en. Fo r instance , th e word portier 'porter ' ha s th e plura l for m portier-s.

Therefore

, w e d o fin d a compoun d suc h a s portierswoning 'porter' s lodge' , bu t a compoun d * portierewonin g i s il l formed . Th e choic e betwee n on e o f thes e allomorph s i s mainl y a matte r o f convention , an d eurhythmi c factor s ma y als o pla y a rol e (cf . Va n de n Toor n 1982)
. Fo r noun s tha t selec t th e plura l suffi x - s (whic h therefor e d o no t hav e a n allomorp h i n schwa) , th e allomorp h i n s i s onl y possibl e fo r [+animate j nouns : varkens-s-vlees 'lit . pig' s meat , pork ' versu s kamerorkest I * kamer-s-orke si 'chambe r orchestra' . I n short , th e relevan t generalizatio n ca n onl y b e mad e i n term s o f paradigmati c relation s betwee n (form s of ) words . Th e allomorp h endin g i n schw a nee d no t b e liste d bu t ca n b e compute d o n th e basi s o f th e followin g formula : (11 ) Nou n allomorp h wit h fina l schw a i n non-hea d positio n o f compound s = plura l for m minu s Inl Thi s formul a ha s th e additiona l advantag e tha t i t predict s that , i f th e ste m o f a plura l nou n differ s fro m tha t o f th e singula r noun , thi s allomorph y wil l als o recu r i n th e ste m allomorp h wit h fina l schw a tha t i s use d i n compounding . I n particular , Dutc h ha s a numbe r o f noun s tha t exhibi t vowe l lengthenin g i n plura l form s (Booi j 1995a
: 87)
: (12 ) l[i]d'member ' l[e:]de n sch[i] p 'ship ' sch[e:]pe n w[e] g 'road ' w[e:]ge n h[o] l 'cave ' h[o:|le n p[a] d 'path ' p|a:|de n st[a] d 'city ' st[e:]de n Thes e 'long ' ste m allomorph s als o occu r i n wor d formatio n whe n ther e i s n o stem - fina l schwa : (13 ) singular plural compounds/derivation sch[i] p 'ship ' sch[e:]pe n 'ships ' sch[e:jpsbou w 'ship-building' , sch[e:]pj e 'ship , dim.' , insch[e:]pe n 't o embark ' versus Sch[i]pho l 'lit . shi p harbour' , sch[i]ppe r 'skipper ' p[a] d 'path ' p[a:]de n 'paths ' p[a:)dj e 'path , dim. ' versus p(a)dvinde r 'bo y scout ' Give n th e formul a i n (11) , w e correctl y predic t tha t w e fin d a compoun d suc h a s stedebouw 'lit . tow n building' , bu t tha t a n allomorp h stadde, a s i n *staddebouw i s Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations41 impossible . Similarly , w e fin d bot h lidmaat 'member ' an d ledematen 'limbs' , bu t liddemaat i s il l formed. 4 A simila r reasonin g hold s fo r schwa-les s allomorph s suc h a s scheep an d paad mentione d i n ( 12) : suc h lon g ste m allomorph s onl y occu r i f the y als o occu r i n th e plura l forms , an d s o thes e allomorph s shoul d b e compute d i n a simila r way , accordin g t o th e formul a 'allomorp h i n schw a = plura l for m minu s -en'. On e migh t argu e tha t referenc e t o th e plura l for m o f noun s i n computin g thi s typ e o f ste m allomorph y ca n b e avoide d b y imposin g th e same (prosodie ) condition s tha t hol d fo r th e plura l suffi x /-an / o n th e occurrenc e o f th e linkin g phonem e (th e rul e i s tha t -e n occur s afte r a ste m endin g i n a stresse d syllable , an d - s afte r a n unstresse d syllable , wit h th e effec t tha t plura l noun s en d i n a trochee , cf . Booi j & Va n Sante n 1995
, Booi j 1996a)
. I n suc h a n analysis , ther e woul d b e n o nee d t o refe r t o anothe r paradigmati c for m o f th e word . However , w e alread y sa w tha t irregularitie s o f plura l form s recu r i n th e ste m allomorphs . Thi s woul d no t follo w fro m a n analysi s i n whic h th e occurrenc e o f th e schw a i s determine d b y th e sam e prosodi e condition s a s th e plura l suffi x -e n withou t positin g an y forma l relatio n betwee n th e schwa-fina l allomorp h an d th e plura l form . Othe r crucia l evidenc e tha t w e hav e t o refe r t o th e plura l for m i s constitute d b y th e followin g facts . A numbe r o f monosyllabi c noun s ar e exception s i n tha t the y selec t - s instea d o f th e regula r -en, an d thi s correlate s exactl y wit h th e impossibilit y o f usin g th e schw a a s ste m extensio n fo r suc h nouns : (14 ) singular tra m 'id. ' fla t 'apartment ' statio n 'id. 'plural trams , *tramme n fiats , *flatte n stations , *stationne ncompound tramdeur , *trammedeu r 'tra m door ' flatbouw , *flattebou w 'buildin g o f apartments ' stationsweg , *stationnewe g 'statio n road '

Inversely

, ther e ar e noun s tha t exceptionall y tak e -e n instea d o f -s , an d thes e noun s d o hav e th e ste m allomorp h wit h th e fina l schw a (spelle d a s e o r e n i n compounds) : (15 ) singular enge l 'angel ' christe n 'Christian ' scholie r 'student 'plural engelen , *engel s christenen , *christen s scholier-en 3 , *scholier- scompound engelenhaa r 'angel' s hair ' christeneziele n 'exclamation ' scholierenkaar t 'student' s card ' Th e othe r typ e o f plura l noun , tha t i n -s , als o play s a rol e i n th e allomorph y o f th e non-hea d constituen t o f compounds : whe n th e non-hea d o f th e compoun d i s a di - minutive , w e hav e t o us e th e plura l for m o f tha t diminutiv e a s ste m allomorph :

42 Geert Booij

(16 ) noun plural compound meisje'girl ' meisje- s meisje-s-boek'girl' s book ' meisje-s-lij k 'girl' s corpse ' meisje-s-achti g 'girlish ' vrouwtj e vrouwtje- s vrouwtje-s-olifan t 'femal e elephant ' 'woman , dim. ' potj e 'pot , dim. ' potje- s potje-s-latij n 'do g Latin ' bloemetj e bloemetje- s bloemetje-s-gordij n 'curtai n wit h 'flower , dim. ' flora l pattern ' rijtj e 'row . dim. ' rij-tje- s rijtjes-hui s 'terrac e house , ro w house '

Althoug

h th e for m i s tha t o f th e plural , ther e i s no t necessaril y a plura l meanin g involved , a s i s clea r fro m th e example s meisjeslijk, vrouwtjesolifant an d rijtjeshuis, i n whic h onl y on e meisje, vrouwtje o r rijtje i s involved . Fo r example , a rijtjeshuis form s par t o f onl y on e rijtj e 'row' . S o w e fin d her e anothe r cas e o f a purel y forma l regularity , a cas e o f 'morpholog y b y itself' , i n whic h paradigmati c relation s pla y a crucia l role : th e ste m allomorp h o f th e diminutiv e i n th e non-hea d positio n o f com - pound s i s formall y identica l t o th e plura l diminutive . I n sum , w e ca n conclud e tha t generali/.ation s wit h respec t t o th e ste m allomorph y exhibite d b y th e firs t (nominal ) member s o f compound s ca n onl y b e mad e i n term s o f paradigmati c relation s betwee n words . 3.2 . Verbal allomorphy Apar t fro m th e ver b zijn 't o be' , ther e ar e fiv e verb s i n Dutc h tha t d o no t hav e th e norma l infinitiv e whic h consist s o f th e verba l ste m followe d b y -e n /on/ . Instead , the y hav e infinitive s consistin g o f th e ste m + -n: (17 ) doe-n/du-n / 'todo' , gaa-n/xa-n / 'logo' , slaa-n/sla-n / 't o hit' , staa-n/sta-n / 't o stand' , zie- n /zi-n / 't o see ' Th e stem s themselve s occu r a s concret e words , a s th e 1s t pers . sg . pres . tens e form : ( 18 ) do e /du/ , g a /*a/ , sl a /sla/ , st a /sta/ , zi e l/M

Nevertheless

, i t i s th e for m tha t i s identica l t o th e infinitiva l for m tha t function s a s th e ste m for m fo r furthe r déverba l derivation : (19 ) doen-e r 'doer' , be-doen-in g 'behaviour' , on-doen-lij k 'impossible ' be-gaan-baa r 'passable' , uit-gaan-de r 'out-goer' , gaan-deri j 'gallery ' zien-e r 'prophet' , aan-zien-lij k 'considerable' , on-zien-lij k 'invisible' , voor-zien-in g 'provision' , voor-zien-i g 'providential ' Thi s contrast s wit h verb s wit h a n infinitiv e i n -en: fo r suc h verb s th e ste m for m i s use d a s th e bas e fo r derivationa l morphology . Fo r instance , th e subjec t nou n fo r th e Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations 43 ver b werken 't o work ' i s werk-er, no t *werken-er. Althoug h fo r th e fiv e verb s mentione d i t i s a for m identica l t o th e infinitiva l for m tha t function s a s th e ste m fo r déverba l derivation , ther e i s n o infinitiva l propert y suc h a s nounines s implied . Not e als o tha t th e suffixe s involve d i n (19 ) ar e déverba l ones , wherea s i n Dutc h wor d formatio n infinitive s behav e a s noun s wit h respec t t o derivationa l morpholog y (Booi j 1989)
, a s illustrate d b y th e word s weten-schap 'science ' an d zeggen-schap 'author - ity' , wit h th e denomina l suffi x -schap. I n sum , wha t w e fin d her e i s th e ste m allomorph y rul e tha t fo r verb s wit h a n infinitiv e i n -n, th e for m o f th e infinitiv e als o function s a s th e ste m t o whic h derivationa l rule s apply . Th e persistenc e an d pervasivenes s o f th e allomorph y o f thes e fiv e verb s ma y hav e t o d o wit h thei r hig h frequency , whic h i s a n importan t facto r i n preservin g allomorphy . A relate d observatio n abou t Dutc h i s tha t th e for m o f th e presen t participl e i s alway s tha t o f th e infinitive , plu s /d/ . Fo r instance , th e presen t participl e o f th e ver b werk 't o work' , wit h th e infinitiva l for m werk-en i s werkend 'working' . O f course , w e coul d sa y tha t th e infinitiv e i s forme d b y suffixin g th e verba l ste m wit h -en, an d th e presen t participl e b y suffixin g th e verba l ste m wit h -end. Tha t is , th e similarit y betwee n thes e tw o form s o f th e verba l paradig m woul d b e completel y coincidental .

However

, b y claimin g tha t th e presen t participl e i s forme d b y addin g - d t o a ste m tha t ha s a for m identica l t o tha t o f th e infinitive , w e correctl y predic t tha t th e presen t participl e o f thos e verb s tha t hav e a n exceptiona l infinitiv e endin g i n - n hav e a n exceptiona l presen t participl e endin g i n -n d instea d o f th e regula r -end: (20 ) zijn- d /zeind / 'being' , doen- d /dund / 'doing' , gaan- d /*and / 'going' , slaan- d /sland / 'hitting' , staan- d /stand / 'standing' , zien- d /zind / 'seeing ' Th e fiv e verb s wit h infinitive s i n - n discusse d her e exhibi t ye t anothe r typ e o f paradigmatic-all y determine d allomorphy . I n man y compound s an d derive d word s th e for m o f th e correspondin g nou n function s a s verba l ste m allomorph , a s th e followin g example s show : (2 1 ) verb noun complex words doe n daa d dad-e r 'lit . doer , delinquent ' gaa n gan g kerk-gang-er'churchgoer' , gang-baar'current' , gang-pa d 'aisle' , toe-gank-elij k 'accessible ' slaa n sla g slag-e r 'butcher' , na-slag-wer k 'referenc e book' , slag-boo m 'barrier' , slag-zi n 'slogan ' staa n stan d stand-plaat s 'position' , mede-stand-e r 'supporter' , om-stand-e r 'bystander' , stand-aar d 'standard ' zie n zich t zicht-baar'visible' , op-zicht-ig'showy' , op-zicht-e r 'overseeer' , over-zicht-elij k 'clearl y arranged' , door-zicht-i g 'transparent '

44 Geert Booij

I n th e cas e o f comple x word s endin g i n th e exclusivel y deverba l suffi x -baar i t i s clea r tha t th e stem , althoug h i t ha s th e sam e for m a s tha t o f a correspondin g noun , doe s no t coun t a s a noun : sinc e a déverba l suffi x i s attached , i t ha s t o b e interprete d a s a n allomorp h o f th e verba l stem . Som e o f th e suffixe s involve d ca n als o b e use d denominally , bu t semanticall y al l thes e comple x word s ar e completel y paralle l t o déverba l comple x words , an d the y ar e fel t b y nativ e speaker s o f Dutc h a s variant s o f th e verba l ste m (cf . Va n Haeringe n 1962
; D e Haa s & Trommele n 1993)
. Not e als o tha t paralle l word s wit h th e 'normal ' verba l ste m ususall y d o no t exist . Fo r instance , w e d o no t fin d *kerkgaer o r *gabaar beside s kerkganger an d gangbaar.'' So , thi s i s anothe r cas e o f paradigmaticall y determine d allomorphy : th e ste m allomorp h i s formall y identica l t o tha t o f th e correspondin g noun . Not e als o tha t tha t thes e noun s canno t b e derive d b y a regula r wor d formatio n rule , i.e . w e canno t deriv e thes e ste m allomorph s b y rule , withou t takin g th e noun s int o account . A typ e o f morphologica l rul e tha t i s no t discusse d i n Aronof f (1994 ) i s th e 'rul e o f referral' , a notio n introduce d b y Zwick y (1985) . Suc h rule s ca n expres s case s o f systemati c syncretism . Fo r instance , i n Lati n plura l form s o f noun s th e dativ e alway s ha s th e sam e for m a s th e ablative . Tha t is , onc e w e kno w th e plura l dativ e form , th e plura l ablativ e for m i s predictable . Thi s i s agai n a n exampl e o f a forma l regularit y i n whic h paradigmati c relation s pla y a role . A n interestin g exampl e o f th e kin d o f regularit y tha t a rul e o f referra l (i n th e mor e genera l sens e o f a rul e tha t relate s form s o f a n inflectiona l paradigm ) ca n expres s i s th e followin g observatio n abou t Dutch : th e infinitiv e for m i s als o th e plura l presen t tens e for m o f verbs . Tha t is , th e presen t tens e plura l for m i s predict - abl e onc e w e kno w th e for m o f th e infinitive , an d vic e versa . Thi s i s a relevan t generali/.ation , becaus e i t als o hold s fo r verb s wit h a n irregula r infinitive . I n particu - lar , th e si x verb s mentione d abov e wit h a n irregula r infinitiv e i n - n als o hav e a presen t tens e plura l for m i n - n instea d o f -en. Th e sam e applie s t o th e irregula r ver b kamen 't o come ' tha t exhibit s vowe l change , an d t o thos e moda l verb s fo r whic h th e ste m fo r th e singula r form s differ s fro m tha t fo r th e plural : (22 ) infinitive 1st pers. sg . pi. k[o)men't o come ' k[.T| m k[o|me n kunne n 'can ' ka n kunne n moge n 'may ' ma g moge n zulle n 'will ' za l zulle n Th e questio n ma y b e raise d no w whethe r nativ e speaker s o f Dutc h reall y mak e thi s generalizatio n abou t th e verba l paradigm . On e migh t argu e tha t sinc e al l verba l form s hav e th e structur e ste m + ending , th e plura l for m an d th e infinitiv e ar e derive d b y rul e i n a syntagmati c way , b y addin g th e endin g -e n t o th e stem , a t leas t i n th e regula r cases . I n particular , fo r newl y derive d verb s i t seem s a bi t od d t o clai m tha t on e canno t comput e th e for m o f th e infinitiv e withou t determinin g th e plura l form , o r vic e versa . Not e als o tha t ther e i s a numbe r o f Dutc h verb s tha t onl y occu r i n th e infinitive , an d d o no t hav e tens e form s (Booi j 1989)
. O n th e othe r hand , ther e i s Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations45 evidenc e tha t th e relatio n o f forma l identit y betwee n plura l for m an d infinitiv e doe s pla y a role . A s Jaa p va n Mari e pointe d ou t t o me , childre n wh o generaliz e th e ste m for m o f th e singula r for m t o th e plura l for m (maggen instea d o f mogen, cf . 22)
, als o hav e th e infinitiv e muggen. S o w e migh t conclud e tha t verba l form s allo w fo r a dua l analysis , a syntagmati c an d a paradigmati c one , whic h ar e bot h correct . 4 . TOPONYMI C DERIVATION S

Anothe

r are a i n whic h paradigmatic-all y determine d allomorph y play s a considerabl e rol e i s tha t o f toponymi e derivations . Conside r th e followin g dat a concernin g inhabitative s an d toponymi e adjective s i n Dutch : (23 ) toponym

Provenc

e

Amerik

a

Cataloni

ë

Guatemal

a Chil i Madri d

Portuga

l Ambo n Rom e

Palestin

a

Bretagn

e Azi ë Monac o Israe l Mosko uinhabitative

Provençaa

l

Amerikaa

n

Catalaa

n

Guatemaltee

k

Chilee

n

Madrilee

n

Portugee

s

Ambonee

s Romei n

Palestij

n Breto n Aziaa t

Monegas

k

Israëlie

t

Moskovie

ttoponym k • adject i ve

Provencaal-

s

Amerikaan-

s

Cutulaan-

s

Guatemalteek-

s

Chileen-

s

Madrileen-

s

Portugee

s

Ambonee

s

Romein-

s

Palestijn-

s

Breton-

s

Aziat-isc

h

Monegask-isc

h

Israelit-isc

h

Moskovit-isc

h (Simila r pattern s i n th e coinin g o f Germa n toponymi e adjective s ar e observe d b y Becke r (1990 : 42))
. Th e most straightforwar d forma l analysi s o f th e toponymi e adjective s whic h ar e semanticall y derive d fro m th e toponym s i s a n analysi s i n whic h th e suffixe s - s an d -ixch ar e attache d t o a ste m allomorp h o f th e topony m whic h i s formall y identica l t o th e correspondin g inhabitativ e noun , anothe r cas e o f paradigmaticall y determine d ste m allomorphy . Thi s patter n i s no t restricte d t o geographica l words , w e als o fin d i t fo r othe r prope r names , an d th e word s derive d fro m them : (24 ) proper name

Chomsk

y

Schultin

k Rev efollower

Chomsky-aa

n

Schultink-iaa

n

Rev-iaa

nadjective

Chomskyaan-

s 'Chomskyan '

Schultinkiaan-

s 'Schultinkian '

Reviaan-

s 'Revian ' Tha t is , th e adjective s involve d al l belon g t o th e se t o f relationa l adjectives .

46 Geen Booij

Anothe

r possibl e analysi s o f thes e dat a ca n b e foun d i n Smedt s (1973 , 1974)
. H e argue d tha t w e ca n assig n a n inhabitativ e suc h a s Amerikaan th e followin g structure : (25 ) Amerik-aan- 0 I n thi s structure , aa n i s a concatenator , a n empt y morpheme , tha t extend s th e ste m befor e i t i s affixed . Th e actua l denomina l suffi x i s th e zero-morpheme . Suc h connec - tor s ar e ofte n assume d i n morphologica l analyse s o f Slavi c language s suc h a s Rus - sia n (Shapir o 1966
) an d Polis h (Szymane k 1985)
. Fo r instance , Polis h denomina l adjective s exhibi t a numbe r o f suc h concatenators : (26 ) Hitle r 'id. ' Hitler-ow-sk i 'Hitler- ' nieb o 'heaven ' nieb-ian-sk i 'heavenly ' bra t 'brother ' brat-er-sk i 'broederlijk ' kro l 'king ' krol-ew-sk i 'royal ' Thes e concatenator s (aan, aa l etc.) , Smedt s argued , als o sho w u p i n th e toponymi e adjectives . Consequently , i t wil l b e possibl e t o analyz e th e toponymi e adjective s a s derive d fro m th e (extende d ste m o f the ) toponyms , withou t th e inhabitative s playin g a role . Moreover , a s Smedt s argued , suc h a non-paradigmati c analysi s correctl y predict s tha t th e toponymi e adjective s fo r nativ e toponym s ar e no t 'derive d from ' th e inhabitative , bu t directl y fro m th e toponym : (27 ) Amsterda m / Amsterdamme r / Amsterdam s - *Amsterdammer s Note , however , tha t suc h a n analysi s doe s no t accoun t fo r th e fac t tha t othe r irregu - laritie s o f th e inhabitativ e als o recu r i n th e toponymi e adjective . Fo r instance , th e inhabitativ e Madril-een ha s a n irregula r /! / instea d o f a /d/ , whic h als o show s u p i n th e toponymi e adjective . Similarly , th e par t Moneg i n Moneg-ask differ s fro m Mo - naco, an d th e par t Portug i n Portug-ees fro m Portugal. I n addition , ther e ar e quit e a numbe r o f inhabitative s tha t ar e simple x noun s fro m whic h th e topony m i s ofte n derived . Yet , i n thes e case s a s wel l th e toponymi e adjectiv e ha s th e forma l structur e 'for m o f inhabitativ e + -s/-isch': (28 ) toponym inhabitative toponymie adjective

Zeelan

d 'Sealand ' Zeeu w Zeeuw- s

Gr-Brittanni

e 'Gr . Br. ' Bri t Brit- s

Finlan

d 'id. ' Fi n Fin- s

Zwitserlan

d 'Switzerland ' Zwitse r Zwitser- s

Noorwege

n 'Norway ' Noo r Noor- s

Hongarij

e 'Hungary ' Hongaa r Hongaar- s

Bulgarij

e 'Bulgaria ' Bulgaa r Bulgaar- s

Roemeni

ë 'Rumania ' Roemee n Roemeen- s Belgi ë 'Belgium ' Bel g Belg-isc h

Ruslan

d 'Russia ' Ru s Russ-isc h Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations47

Therefore

, I tak e i t tha t th e derivatio n o f toponymi e adjective s i s a clea r cas e o f paradigmaticall y determine d ste m allomorphy . Thes e ste m allomorph s als o sho w u p i n othe r case s o f non-nativ e suffixation . Fo r instance , i n additio n t o Amerikaans w e als o fin d Amerikan-ist 'studen t o f America ' an d Amerikan-isme 'Americanism' . Thus , th e followin g generalizatio n ca n b e establishe d fo r Dutch : (29 ) Th e ste m allomorp h o f non-nativ e toponym s an d prope r name s t o b e use d i n derivatio n i s formall y identica l t o th e correspondin g denomina l persona l name . B y restrictin g thi s allomorph y rul e t o non-nativ e toponyms , w e exclud e il l forme d toponymi e adjective s suc h a s * Amsterdammer s instea d o f th e correc t Amsterdams. Th e onl y case s wher e thi s regularit y doe s no t hol d i s whe n ther e i s anothe r geo - graphica l adjectiv e tha t block s th e formatio n o f th e geographica l adjectiv e o n th e basi s o f th e inhabitan t name . Thi s i s th e cas e fo r adjective s suc h a s Spaans 'Span - ish' , Engels 'English' , Frans 'French ' an d Duits 'German' . A relate d cas e o f paradigmati c allomorph y i s th e formatio n o f femal e inhabita - tives . Unlik e wha t w e ma y expect , suc h noun s ar e no t derive d fro m thei r neutra l counterpart , bu t fro m th e correspondin g toponymi e adjective , b y addin g a suffixa l schwa : (30 ) inhabitative

Provençaa

l

Amerikaa

n

Catalaa

n

Guatemaltee

k

Chilee

n

Madrilee

n

Portugee

s

Ambonee

s Romei n

Palestij

n Breto n Aziaa t

Monegas

k

Israëlie

t

Moskovie

ttoponymie adjective

Provençaal-

s

Amerikaan-

s

Catalaan-

s

Guatemalteek-

s

Chileen-

s

Madrileen-

s

Portugee

s

Ambonee

s

Romein-

s

Palestijn-

s

Breton-

s

Aziat-isc

h

Monegask-isc

h

Israelit-isc

h

Moskovit-isc

hfemale inhabitative

Provençaals

e

Amerikaans

e

Catalaans

e

Guatemalteeks

e

Chileens

e

Madrileens

e

Portuges

e

Ambones

e

Romeins

e

Palestijns

e

Bretons

e

Aziatisch

e

Monegaskisch

e

Israëlitisch

e

Moskovitisch

e Thi s generalizatio n als o hold s fo r nativ e femal e inhabitatives , an d fo r non-nativ e femal e inhabitative s wher e th e toponymi e adjectiv e i s no t derive d for m th e inhabitative: 7

48 Geert Booij

(31 ) inhabitative adjective female inhabitative

Amsterdamme

r Zeeu w

Spanjaar

d

Fransma

n

Duitse

rAmsterdam-s

Zeeuw-

s Spaan s Fran s Duit sAmsterdamse

Zeeuws

e

Spaans

e Frans e Duits e I n a fe w case s ther e ar e alternativ e femal e inhabitative s derive d fro m th e neutra l counterpart , e.g . Russin an d Friezin. Eve n whe n suc h alternative s exis t the y d o no t bloc k th e formatio n o f femal e inhabitative s suc h a s Russische an d Friese. I n conclusion , th e morphologica l syste m fo r th e formatio n o f geographica l adjec - tive s an d femal e inhabitative s form s a stron g cas e fo r th e rol e o f paradigmatic-all y determine d allomorphy . 5 . GENDE R AN D CONVERSIO N

Anothe

r are a o f morpholog y tha t show s th e possibl e relevanc e o f paradigmatic - relation s fo r regularitie s i n th e forma l mak e u p o f word s i s tha t o f gende r assign - ment . Th e rol e o f gende r i n morphologica l system s i s a typica l exampl e o f autono - mou s morpholog y ( Aronof f 1994)
. Present-da y Dutc h ha s tw o gende r classes , neute r an d non-neuter . I n man y case s th e gende r o f a comple x nou n i s determine d b y on e o f it s constituents ; compound s inheri t th e gende r o f thei r (right-hand ) head , an d i n derive d word s i t i s th e nominalizin g prefi x o r suffi x tha t determine s gender . Fo r instance , th e deverba l nominatin g prefi x ge- an d suffi x -ing creat e neute r an d non - neute r noun s respectively . However , i n a numbe r o f case s th e gende r o f th e resultin g nou n canno t b e compute d i n thi s way . Thes e case s al l concer n th e conversio n o f comple x verb s int o nouns . Th e firs t cas e i s tha t o f noun s derive d throug h conversio n fro m prefixe d verbs . Thes e noun s ar e systematicall y neute r nouns , unlik e thei r counterparts , th e nomina l conversion s o f simple x verb s whic h ar e non-neute r (Trommele n & Zonnevel d 1986
, Do n 1993)
; d e i s th e def . sg . articl e fo r non-neute r nouns , an d he t i s th e neute r del" , sg . article : (32 ) simplex verb noun prefixed verb noun raa d 't o advise ' d e raa d 'advice ' be-raa d he t beraa d 't o deliberate ' 'deliberation ' ver-raa d he t verraa d 't o betray ' 'betrayal ' roe p 't o call ' d e roe p 'call ' be-roe p 't o call ' he t beroe p 'profession ' ze t 't o put ' d e ze t 'th e push ' ont-ze t he t ontze t 't o relieve ' 'relie f Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations49 Th e interestin g aspec t o f th e converte d prefixe d noun s i s tha t the y d o no t contai n a specifi c morphem e t o whic h th e neute r gende r ca n b e assigned . Gende r i s onl y predictabl e b y makin g us e o f informatio n abou t th e correspondin g verb .

Conversio

n a s a wor d formatio n proces s ca n b e readil y interprete d i n term s o f paradigmati c relations : a systemati c differenc e i n for m (namel y wor d class ) corre - late s wit h a systemati c differenc e i n meaning . I n suc h a n interpretatio n w e ar e no t force d t o assum e zero-morpheme s (zero-suffixe s o r zero-prefixes) . Therefore , i f th e gende r o f converte d noun s i s determine d b y th e natur e o f th e correspondin g verb , i t i s a typica l cas e o f a paradigmatic-all y determine d forma l propert y o f a clas s o f words .

Interestingly

, Do n (1993 ) attempte d t o giv e a syntagmati c accoun t o f th e gende r regularitie s discusse d her e b y assumin g tha t th e noun s ar e derive d fro m thes e pre - fixe d verb s b y mean s o f th e nominalizin g prefi x ge- whic h i s delete d befor e th e unstresse d prefixe s be-, ont-, an d ver-. Recal l tha t thi s prefi x create s neute r nouns . Also , th e prefi x ge - doe s no t surfac e befor e unstresse d prefixe s i n Dutc h pas t partici - ples . Fo r instance , th e pas t participl e o f beplanten 't o plant ' i s beplant, no t *gebeplunt. Nevertheless , i t i s impossibl e t o assum e a genera l rul e o f #e-deletio n befor e unstresse d prefixe s sinc e th e nominalizin g prefi x ge - doe s occu r befor e un - stresse d prefixes , a s i n th e followin g example s (Schultin k 1995
: 117
, Booi j 1995b
: 299)
: (33 ) verb be-laze r 't o cheat ' ver-gee t 't o forget ' ont-lee d 't o analyse ' be-ge-lei d 't o coach ' be-wee g 't o move ' ver-sie r 't o decorate 'noun gebelaze r '(repeated ) cheating ' gevergee t '(repeated ) forgetting ' geontlee d '(repeated ) analysing ' gebegelei d '(repeated ) coaching ' gebewee g '(repeated ) moving ' geversie r '(repeated ) decorating ' Thi s implie s tha t w e canno t accoun t fo r th e gende r assignmen t o f suc h converte d noun s i n term s o f 'morphem e syntax' , i.e . i n a purel y syntagmati c approac h t o morphology . A second , relate d generalizatio n i s tha t comple x noun s tha t ar e create d b y con - versio n fro m separabl e comple x verb s ar e alway s non-neuter , i.e . de-word s (Do n 1993
: 156)
: (34 ) particle-verb aan-van g 't o begin ' aan-voe r 't o supply ' aan-he f 't o begin ' op-van g 't o support ' uit-lee n 't o lend 'noun d e aanvan g 'beginning ' d e aanvoe r 'supply ' d e aanhe f 'beginning ' d e opvan g 'suppor t d e uitlee n 'lending '

50 Geen Booij

A s Do n point s out , th e gende r o f thes e noun s canno t b e predicte d b y considerin g the m a s nomina l compounds , becaus e th e righ t constituent s d o no t exis t a s independ - en t words : *de vang, *d e voer, *de hef, *de leen. S o i t i s th e specifi c natur e o f bein g conversion s (correlates ) o f prefix-verb s versu s particle-verb s tha t mus t b e use d t o predic t th e gende r o f suc h nouns . Thi s wa y o f computin g th e gende r o f a clas s o f comple x noun s i s therefor e anothe r cas e fo r th e rol e o f paradigmatic s i n forma l regularitie s o f a morphologica l system . I t i s als o possibl e t o giv e a non-paradigmati c interpretatio n o f thi s regularity , however , sinc e th e particle/prefi x distinctio n ca n als o b e encode d o n thes e converte d nouns , i f w e introduc e label s suc h a s 'prefix ' an d 'particle ' fo r th e firs t constituent s o f thes e complex , converte d nouns . W e ca n the n refe r directl y t o th e natur e o f th e firs t constituen t o f th e noun s i n computin g th e gender . W e migh t als o predic t th e gende r o n th e basi s o f th e difference s i n stress : i n th e prefixe d noun s i t i s th e verba l ste m tha t ha s stress , wherea s i n th e particl e nou n i t i s th e particl e tha t bear s stres s (Morin , pers . comm.) . Wha t thes e differen t analyse s hav e i n commo n i s tha t a forma l propert y o f comple x nouns , gender , canno t b e encode d a s a propert y o f on e o f it s constituen t morphemes , bu t ha s t o b e compute d b y a specifi c morphologica l rul e tha t eithe r refer s t o th e propertie s o f a paragdimaticall y relate d word , o r t o th e morphologica l structur e o f th e nomina l converse . Thus , thes e fact s underlin e th e autonom y o f morphology . 6 . LINGUISTI C AN D PSYCHOLINGUISTI C IMPLICATION S Th e linguisti c implication s fo r th e vie w o f morpholog y a s advocate d abov e i s tha t paradigmati c relation s betwee n word s d o no t onl y pla y a direc t rol e i n wor d forma - tio n (a s show n i n Va n Mari e 198
5 fo r Dutc h an d Becke r 1990
, 199
3 fo r German) . I n paradigmati c wor d formatio n a morphologica l constituen t i s replace d wit h anothe r one , a s i n th e Dutc h wor d reizig-ster 'femal e traveler' , derive d fro m reizig-er 'trave - ler ' b y replacemen t o f -e r wit h -sier. Paradigmati c relation s wer e show n t o pla y a crucia l rol e i n purel y forma l aspect s o f morphology , suc h a s ste m allomorphy , too . A genera l psycholinguisti c implicatio n o f th e vie w o f morphologica l system s a s outline d abov e i s tha t th e natur e o f th e lexica l relation s betwee n word s i n th e menta l lexico n i s muc h mor e diversifie d tha n i s ofte n assumed . Th e traditiona l morphologi - ca l questio n i n psycholinguistic s i s t o wha t exten t th e morphologica l structur e o f a comple x wor d play s a rol e i n perceptio n an d production . Ther e seem s t o b e a grow - in g consensu s tha t morphologicall y comple x word s i n whic h th e bas e wor d i s recog - nizabl e bot h formall y an d a s t o it s semanti c contribution , ar e connecte d t o tha t bas e wor d i n th e lexico n (Marslen-Wilso n e t al . 1994)
. However , o n th e basi s o f th e argument s o f paradigmati c morpholog y i n general , an d th e analyse s o f forma l regularitie s presente d here , w e conclud e tha t thi s kin d o f lexica l relatio n i s onl y on e amon g a numbe r o f possibl e ones , an d tha t ou r notio n o f lexica l relationshi p shoul d b e refined . Autonomous morphology and paradigmatic relations51 Th e fact s discusse d als o rais e question s fo r model s o f languag e perceptio n an d production . Fo r instance , w e migh t wonde r i f th e fac t tha t th e meanin g o f th e adjec - tiv e Amerikaans i s no t a compositiona l functio n o f it s affi x an d th e meanin g o f

Amerikaan

negativel y affect s th e processin g o f suc h a n adjective . An d doe s ste m allomorph y o f th e kin d discusse d above , wit h n o transparen t phonologica l relatio n betwee n th e allomorphs , impl y tha t eac h allomorp h ha s it s ow n lexica l acces s repre - sentation , unlik e wha t i s assume d fo r th e allomorph y i n sane-sanity b y Marslen - Wilso n e t al . (1994) ? An d i s ther e an y differenc e betwee n predictabl e an d unpredict - abl e ste m allomorph y i n thi s respect ? Not e als o tha t ste m allomorph y a t leas t add s t o th e complexit y o f th e tas k o f computin g th e for m o f a comple x word . Thi s suggest s tha t speaker s o f a languag e wit h extensiv e ste m allomorph y migh t exhibi t a stronge r preferenc e fo r storag e o f comple x word s tha n speaker s o f a languag e withou t thi s kin d o f allomorphy . Th e existenc e o f suc h complicate d pattern s o f forma l relationship s betwee n mor - phologicall y relate d word s als o raise s th e questio n whethe r everythin g i s possible , o r whethe r ther e ar e constraint s o n th e possibl e forma l relationship s betwee n words . Thi s issu e ha s bee n take n u p i n th e wor k o f Carstairs-McCarth y (1987 ) tha t deal s wit h constraint s o n inflectiona l paradigms . Clearly , i t deserve s deepe r investigatio n i n th e are a o f wor d formatio n a s well . NOTE S

Version

s o f (part s of ) thi s pape r wer e rea d a t th e morpholog y worksho p o f th e Ma x Planc k

Institu

t fü r Psycholinguistik , Nijmege n (12-1 4 June , 1995)
, a t th e Morfologiedage n o f th e

Katholiek

e Universitei t Leuve n (21-2 2 Septembe r 1995)
, an d a t th e 3r d Potsdame r Kolloquiu m zu r deutsche n Grammati k (Potsdam , 23-2
4 Novembe r 1995)
. I woul d lik e t o than k th e audi - ence s a t thes e meetings , an d m y colleague s Haral d Baayen , Lauri e Bauer , Joha n d e Caluwe , Andre w Carstairs-McCarthy , Marti n Haspelmath , Eri c Hoekstra , Jaa p va n Marie , Yves -

Charle

s Morin , Arian e va n Santen , Hen k Schultin k an d Will y Smedt s fo r thei r usefu l com - ment s o n ora l o r writte n presentation s o f thi s material , an d tw o anonymou s referee s fo r thei r writte n comments .

Simila

r insight s ca n b e foun d i n Mori n (1990) . Not e tha t thi s doe s no t impl y tha t inflectio n an d derivatio n mus t b e separate d i n th e sens e tha t the y d o no t belon g t o th e sam e morphologica l componen t o f th e grammar . Cf . Booi j ( 1994
, 1996b
) fo r a discussio n o f thi s issue . Hen k Schultin k dre w m y attentio n t o th e possibilit y o f thi s generalization . Thi s i s a n exceptiona l plura l for m althoug h th e las t syllabl e o f th e ste m i s stressed , becaus e i t violate s th e subregularit y tha t persona l name s i n -1er suc h a s kruiden-ier 'grocer ' an d portier 'porter ' tak e th e endin g -s . W e d o fin d op-zien-er beside s op-zicht-er, bu t wit h a slightl y differen t meaning , namel y 'religiou s overseeer' . I t ma y b e th e cas e tha t thi s patter n o f derivatio n ha s le d t o th e emergenc e o f a ne w suffi x fo r nativ e femal e inhabitatives , namel y -se, a s Koefoe d & Va n Mari e (1987 ) hav e argued .

52 Geert Booij

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, W.A.J . 1973
. "Etnic a e n adjectiv a bi j toponiemen" . Naamkunde 5 , 168-185
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