[PDF] The establishment of champagne in Britain 1860–1914

View - Download The establishment of champagne in Britain 1860–1914

Previous PDF

Next PDF

Robert Graham Harding

St Cross College

University of Oxford

A thesis submitted for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Trinity 2018

ii The establishment of champagne in Britain, 1860-1914

Short abstract

This thesis is the first to study the history of champagne in nineteenth-century Britain, a period in which the usage and style of champagne changed fundamentally. From a sweet, lightly effervescent wine drunk on its own or with desserts, it became a fully dry and fully sparkling wine drunk throughout the meal. The central questions I address are why these changes occurred and what role the marketing and branding of champagne played in these changes. This analysis integrates production studies (including marketing and branding) and consumption studies by drawing on the rich vein of contemporary consumption data and the evidence of the day-to-day practice of the London agents of the French champagne houses. The thesis demonstrates that champagne was able to develop uniquely powerful brands that were managed in ways that closely prefigure the marketing practice of modern luxury brand owners.

Historiography

Whilst there have been many books on the subject of consumption in the last three decades, very few of these have focused on drinkers and drinking. There have also been many different approaches to consumption studies from sociologists, anthropologists, literary scholars and historians and this work draws on all those traditions. My own interest lies in the changing daily habits of consumption and I have therefore drawn extensively not just on the historical scholarship but also on the writings of modern experts on branding and marketing to understand how consumer choice is currently iii understood and managed. The commercial importance of food and drink means much work has been done in these areas not excluding wine. The history of drink in the last three centuries, however, has had relatively little interest until recently. Recent works by John Burnett, Charles Ludington and James Simpson illuminate the general history of wine in Britain but, though there are many general books on champagne, there has only been one history, that published by André Simon in 1905. Simon, agent for a champagne producer, was well placed to understand the trade and his work remains an important source. I have endeavoured to review all these works through the lens of the nineteenth- century British press and the archives of selected champagne producers and their British distributors.

1. Framing the market: wine in Britain, 1800-1914

Chapter One surveys the British wine market between 1800 and 1914. It looks at the market performance of different wines over time in the context of the rapid rise in light n wine and the licensing system in 186062. Using market performance data derived from government statistics supplemented by analysis of newspaper advertisements for wine and archival data from the market-leading distribution firm of W. & A. Gilbey, it examines the importance and impact of a number of century-long drivers of change: , the continuing concerns over adulteration and sharp practice in the trade and the consequent persistent but patchy growth in attempts to brand wine. By the end of the 1860s, champagne was established as a wine not just of the elite but also of the new commercial middle class, and it continued to hold its share of the overall wine market until sales slipped in the five years immediately prior to World War One. After looking at the nineteenth-century history of other wines, the iv chapter closes with an introductory overview of the champagne market, focusing on the changes in its taste and style and its unique ability to sustain frequent price rises which the thesis will link to its role as an important marker of social status.

2. istribution and marketing of

champagne in England 186075

In the

London agents acting for French producers largely took control of the marketing of champagne. They exploited the fast-growing market, evolving new distribution strategies and dealing with the challenges posed by brands. In particular, Adolphe Hubinet, the agent for the French house of Pommery and Greno, started to develop highly effective branding and marketing strategies that would in the following decades build Pommery into the most expensive and well-known brand archives and the coverage of wine in a range of contemporary British sources that includes the national and provincial press and the specialist wine trade press, the chapter new marketing template was developed and exploited by Pommery and other brands. However, increasing popularity brought its own challenges and the chapter concludes by looking at the pressures on champagne that might have caused price-led deterioration of quality of the type that resulted in both claret and sherry losing their reputation in the British market.

3. onsumers and consumption, 186075

In the first of two chapters on the consumers and their perspective on the market, I examine how the consumption of champagne changed between 1860 and 1875 and how these changes affected the taste and image of champagne. The chapter first analyses why v it became so popular and socially powerful amongst men and women across a broad range of society. Specifically, it points to the importance of the dinner party and how it contributed to changing champagne from slightly less sweet than the European standard to very dry. Producer archives and sales records are used to confirm this shift to dry wines but the main sources for this chapter are the press, novels and songs of the period, as well as the flood of new wine books aimed at introducing a new public to the ever- increasing range of wine that was becoming available on the British market. Despite the range of information about wine that such books and articles in the general press communicated, most informed contemporaries agreed that the great majority of consumers were incapable of judging the quality of different champagnes. The market began to segment: lower-price wines for public dinners, race meetings and public or semi-public events; higher-priced and heavily branded wines for dinner parties where social capital was on display.

4. hanging consumer tastes, 18761914

The second of the two chapters on consumption shows how champagne became steadily more embedded in the habits of late Victorian society. It focuses on illustrating and role as a powerful marker of status and a symbol of personal hedonism. Using similar sources to Chapter Three but also drawing on the rich data contained in Punch cartoons, this chapter examines the role of women in champagne choice and consumption, the power of the label and the importance of fashion as a driver of choice. It also considers the role of premium pricing. Despite the concern expressed by the general and trade press at the steadily rising price (at a point when prices of other wines were stable or falling), vi fostered, notably through the introduction in the mid-1870s of vintage-dated wines which took the market by storm in the 1880s and 1890s. Though such expensive wines were beyond the pocket of many in the middling classes of society, they too adopted the champagne habit, which became part not just of the celebrations of the wealthy but also of the day-to-day rituals of men in the commercial and professional classes. Though World War One, the foundations for this shift from the public to the private were laid in the period 18761914. The chapter concludes by examining consumer signalling in the light of modern thinking about identity and status.

5. The marketing and branding of champagne, 18761914

The final chapter of the thesis returns to the perspective of the champagne industry to analyse firstly how and why its branding and marketing changed after the mid-1870s and what effect these tactics had on consumers, and secondly, how their approach compares to that advocated by modern luxury marketers. The first intensification of the branding and marketing came with the introduction of vintage-dated wines (of which Pommery

1874 was the first and most important). These created what modern marketers have

called the all- available and enabled the producers to push up prices considerably. Secondly, the period saw successful development and increasing differentiation of the house brands which effectively side-lined the merchant own brands regardless of any cost advantage to consumers. I look at two different a and analyse the reasons for their failure. Increasingly, new and secondary brands entering the , and the final sections of the chapter look at the French-led initiatives centred on the Paris Expositions vii an exclusive . The chapter closes with a case study of Moët & Chandon, who were the first to integrate the themes of the territorial brand into a marketing approach specific to the United Kingdom and, in doing so, set the tone for the marketing of the immediate post-war era.

The thesis as a whole demonstrates firstly in the

development of product branding, a process in which its role as a social marker in Victorian society was central. Secondly, it reaffirms the importance of intermediaries in the history of consumption. It is not enough to focus solely on producers and consumers. Lastly it shows the crucial role that the champagne industry played in the development of territorial branding, which has become central to food and drink marketing in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. viii

Contents

INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 12

1. FRAMING THE MARKET: WINE IN BRITAIN, 1800-1914 .................. 35

2. THE

DISTRIBUTION AND MARKETING OF CHAMPAGNE, 1860-76 ................. 87

3. : CONSUMERS AND CONSUMPTION,

1860-75 ..................................................................................................................... 135

4. VOTARIES OF FASHION? CHANGING CONSUMER TASTES, 1876-1914

175

5. : THE MARKETING AND BRANDING OF

CHAMPAGNE, 1876-1914 .................................................................................... 232

CONCLUSIONS ..................................................................................................... 274

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................. 280

ix

Figures and Tables

Figure 1: Indexed per capita consumption of alcoholic drinks, 1800-1919 .................... 38 Figure 2: Indexed per capita consumption of alcoholic drinks, 1860-1909, compared to

population and national income ....................................................................................... 39

1800-1909 ........................................................................................................................ 41

Figure 4: Wine consumption by total volume and country of origin .............................. 50 -1869 ....... 51

Figure 6: Advertising in the Morning Post, 1801-1899 .................................................. 52

Figure 7: Champagne advertisements, 1800-1919 .......................................................... 53

Figure 8: The mid-century view of wine merchants ........................................................ 60

.................................................................................... 62 ....................................................................... 64 -82 ......................................................................... 66

Figure 12: Wine shares by type, 1854-1904 .................................................................... 69

-99 ................................................................................ 70 Figure 14: Per capita consumption of spirits, wine, beer and champagne ...................... 80 -1899 .............................. 83

Figure 16: The use of 'brand' in advertising .................................................................... 92

Figure 17: Champagne advertisements in The Times, 1850-69 ..................................... 100 .............................................................. 125 -82 by sweeter / drier wine ........................................... 164 Figure 20: Champagne and other sparkling wine sales, 1889-1904 .............................. 178

Figure 21: Veuve Clicquot sales to UK, 1860-1910 ..................................................... 179

Figure 22: Premium brand names in champagne advertising, 1850-1914 .................... 180 x

Figure 23: Champagne pricing, 1875-1905 .................................................................... 184

Figure 24: Veuve Clicquot volume sales and prices (indexed) ...................................... 185

Figure 25: Punch cartoons, 1875-1913 .......................................................................... 198

Figure 26: The celebrations of the affluent .................................................................... 200

Figure 27: Champagne and corruption ........................................................................... 202

Figure 28: Miss Bottleneck Figure 29: Veuve Clicquot fancy dress ........................ 209

Figure 30: Social competition at the Central Hall, 1911 ................................................ 225

1860-1909 ....................................................................................................................... 240

Figure 32 ....................................................................... 249

Figure 33: London hospitality / dining venues, 1870-1914 ........................................... 254

Figure 34: Laurent-Perrier Sans Sucre promotion, 1898 ............................................... 257

Tables

Table I: Champagne songs ............................................................................................. 142

Table II: Approximate price ladder ................................................................................ 195

xi

Abbreviations and short forms used

AMVC Archives Maison Veuve Clicquot

APJ Archives Perrier-Jouët

APR Archives Pol Roger

BNA British Newspaper Archive

BSM Gilbey Archive, Bishop's Stortford Museum

CCH Compilation de la correspondance de Hubinet, ed., André Flocquet,

Pommery Archive, Reims

Diageo Diageo Archive, Menstrie

Punch Punch, or, The London Charivari

Ridleys Ridleys Wine and Spirit Trade Circular

Note All quotations given in the text are in the original language. Where appropriate translations have been given in the footnotes. 12

Introduction

Nineteenth-century champagne was a wine made new through English agency.1 In 1800, champagne was as often still as sparkling. When sparkling, it was almost universally sweet a wine to be drunk after rather than with food. In colour it was grey or amber (even red).2 By 1900 champagne in Britain was typically pale gold, unequivocally sparkling, almost universally dry and principally drunk with savoury dishes in restaurants and at home. Young elite males clubs initiated these changes in the

1850s and French producers adapted their wine to meet the evolving demands of what

became their most important market.3 The drinkers also changed. The revised duty structures that Gladst

1860-62 put in place sparked a fifteen-year boom in light (i.e. unfortified) wine. Total

wine consumption more than doubled by the mid-1870s before falling slowly to 1914.4 The wine and spirit distribution firm of W. & A. Gilbey created a highly successful network of 2, Britain and brought wine of guaranteed quality and good value within the reach of hundreds of thousands of middle-class drinkers.5 Champagne was a principal beneficiary

1 Contemporary sources rarely used the terms Britain or British. The general and trade press and the London

United Kingdom. When using material derived from such sources I have normally followed this usage, except where it is clear from the context that Britain as a whole is being referred to.

2 For the early status of champagne, see B. Musset, "Les Vins De Champagne Et Leurs Consommateurs," in

Le Champagne: Une Histoire Franco-Allemande, ed. C. Desbois-Thibault, W. Paravicini, and J.-P. Poussou

(Paris, 2011).

3 Musset, "Les Vins De Champagne," p. 118 estimates that 0.7% of champagne exports went to England in

1764-67. By 1873 UK champagne sales were around 30% of worldwide sales of around 22 million bottles

oduction figures). Until the mid-1870s

almost all sparkling wine was from Champagne. After that period, increasing volumes of sparkling wine

is no way to distinguish between these two in official statistics.

4 G.B. Wilson, Alcohol and the Nation: A Contribution to the Study of the Liquor Problem in the United

Kingdom from 1800-1935 (London, 1940), Table 11, p. 363.

5 st 1880.

13 ; volume sales rose more than three-fold between 1860 and 1875 and the evidence of novels and newspapers suggests that champagne became a perhaps even the respectable alcoholic drink for wives and daughters of middle- and upper-class men, though it continued to be advertised to and drunk by elite men.6 Lastly unlike other sectors of the British wine market the champagne trade was, by the end of the period, dominated by powerful brands. These brands names such as Veuve Clicquot, Moët & Chandon and Pommery although owned by French producers, were in many ways the product of the activity of their London agents. Though champagne was central to a broad range of public and private events, it never accounted for more than ten per cent of total wine consumption, itself a small fraction of total alcohol consumption.7 George Wilson, the first great British statistician of

8 Inasmuch as wine

consumption peaked at 2.5 litres per capita in 187074 compared to beer at over 140 litres per capita in that same period he was right.9 But, even if the experience of drinking champagne was confined to few, the idea of champagne was very widely spread in the [of the 1860s] there could have been few music hall goers who were not familiar with the

6 Wilson, Alcohol and the Nation, p. 335. For women drinking, see A. Trollope, Miss Mackenzie (London,

1936), pp. 103-4.

ine and

Spirit Trade Circular, 12 January 1885, p. 26.

7 Wilson, Alcohol and the Nation, Table 2, p. 335. This data reflects legitimate imports rather than any

wines of dubious origin; the current (2016) sparkling wine share of the UK market is circa 10%; champagne

has just over 1% share. See USDA Foreign Agricultural Service GAIN report, "UK Wine Market Report

2016," (2016),p. 4. [https.//gain.fas.usda.gov. Accessed 22 November 2016.]. Britain remains the number

one export market for champagne. See Comité Champagne, "Economy of Champagne: Key Market Statistics," https://www.champagne.fr/en/champagne-economy/key-market-statistics. [Accessed 8

November 2017.]

8 Wilson, Alcohol and the Nation, p. 31.

9 Wilson, Alcohol and the Nation, Table 2, p. 335.

14 idea and image of champagne 10 It was an integral part of the extensively reported Derby Day shenanigans (vividly depicted in William Fri painting of that name).11 On the Epsom Downs and for the men and women in the music hall audience, champagne evoked good times and financial (and sexual) success from

12 For the guests at Victorian dinner parties it was not only a mark of

status but also a social solvent that eased the rule-bound formalities of the mid-Victorian dining-room. For the wealthiest it was a stimulant to sociability and sensuality. Champagne became central to a broad range of public and private events. How did it achieve this position and how much did it owe to its long history in the British market?

The history of champagne

The province of Champagne in north-east France had been the first region in the world fully to commercialise the production of sparkling wine. Names of vineyard areas such as Sillery and Ay became familiar to wealthy British consumers in the eighteenth century. Favourable chalk soil (which facilitated the easy construction of deep cellars), proximity to the wealthy markets of Reims and Paris and a position at the crossroads of major European trade routes compensated for a cool climate in which the grapes ripened late and the natural fermentation was frequently halted by winter frosts. In spring, when the temperatures rose again, the fermentation might re-start. The carbonic acid gas created in such refermenting wines produced the sparkle. However, refermenting wines were a commercial problem for growers and merchants. They spoiled easily and quickly became unsaleable. Nonetheless, the phenomenon of sparkling wine was noted, and sufficiently

10 P. Bailey, Popular Culture and Performance in the Victorian City (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 112, 114.

11 M.J. Huggins, "Art-Nineteenth Century England: William

Powell Frith's the Derby Day," Sport in History 33, no. 2 (2013), pp. 125-8. See also Morning Post, 7 June

1870, p. 5.

12 See lyrics of 'Champagne Charlie' in A. Lee, Champagne Charlie: The Great Comic Song (London,

1867). The name of the character was variously spelled 'Charley' or 'Charlie'. The latter is more usual.

15 appreciated for English merchants in the early modern period to adopt the practice of adding molasses to the wine in the cask to provoke a second fermentation.13 Christopher Merret, an English scientist, was the first to document this phenomenon in a paper presented to the Royal Society in 1662, giving rise to the idea that an Englishman 14 When André Simon published the first (and only) history of champagne in Britain in 1905, Merret However, Simon, agent for a champagne producer, was well placed to understand the trade and his work remains an important source. His -

Restoration. In t

exile in France where it was already a favourite at the court of Versailles. On his return, extravagant than 15 Champagne aided by the intermediary skills of the exiled Marquis de Saint-Évremond became that wine. Contemporary references in poems and plays from 1676 onwards attest to the popularity in fashionable society of this new drink and link it to courtly celebration and aristocratic hedonism.16 Champagne continued to be a drink of the courtly and aristocratic elite in Britain throughout the eighteenth century, but its French producers remained unable to solve the quality problems it presented. Though a 1728 edict of Louis XV permitted the producers

13 T. Stevenson, "No Merret in Digby," https://wine-pages.com/columnist-articles/no-merret-in-digby-

taking-issue-with-an-eminence-grise/. [Accessed 16 July 2016.]

14 See W. Charleton and C. Merret, Two Discourses: I. Concerning the Different Wits of Men, II. Of the

Mysterie of Vintners (London, 1669), p. 227. Merret wrote: 'Our Wine-Coopers of latter times use vast

quantities of Sugar and Molasses to all sorts of Wines, to make them drink brisk and sparkling'; for a

satirical French perspective on Merret's central role in the champagne 'secret', see B. Simmat and P.

Bercovici, Champagne! Le Dom Pérignon Code (Paris, 2012), p. 7.

15 A.L. Simon, History of the Champagne Trade in England (London, 1905), pp. 5-6.

16 The earliest Oxford English Dictionary

first use in connection with champagne is recorded by the OED as 1676 in G. Etherege, The Man of Mode,

or Sir Fopling Flutter (London, 1676), Act IV, Scene 1. 16 to ship in bottle rather than cask to diminish the risk of spoilage in cask, this did not fully address the problem.17 Not only did spoilage rates remain high but the pressure of carbon dioxide broke a high proportion of the flimsy glass bottles of the time. The development of stronger bottles by English glassmakers using higher temperature furnaces gradually solved the latter problem in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries but breakage 18 Spoilage remained a threat until the discoveries of Pasteur and other late nineteenth-century scientists, but by the mid-1840s the c imperfect control of the process was sufficient to commercialise champagne worldwide. From annual sales of around 300,000 bottles in the late eighteenth century, worldwide sales reached 6.5 million in 1845 and over 30 million by the turn of the century.19 There is little precise data on British imports or sales of champagne before the 1860s but, according to Simon, 117,000 gallons of champagne were imported in 1835. By the early

1860s, the data suggest that consumption in Britain was around 450,000 gallons, a

quadrupling of the market.20 This figure accords well with the 1864 claim made by the gourmandising barrister, A.V. Kirwan, that consumption of champagne had doubled since

1848.21

The nineteenth-century success of champagne produced further problems for the

17 H. Vizetelly, A History of Champagne: With Notes on the

Other Sparkling Wines of France (London, 1882), p. 59, n. 1; see also R. Phillips, French Wine: A History

(Berkeley, 2016), p. 119.

18 For a mid-nineteenth-century view of the continuing problem of 'la casse', see A. Maizière, Origine Et

Développement Du Commerce Du Vin De Champagne (Reims, 1848), p. 5; Nicholas Bidet, the eighteenth-

century writer on champagne, put the breakage figures as high as 80 % in bad years. See R. Gandhilon,

Naissance Du Champagne: Dom Pierre Pérignon (Paris, 1968), p. 188.

19 R. de la Morinière, L' Evolution Du Commerce Des Vins De Champagne (Reims, 1907), p. 9.

20 Simon, History of Champagne, pp. 167-8.

21 A.V. Kirwan, Host and Guest: A Book About Dinners, Wines, and Desserts (London, 1864), pp. v, 369.

far as my means allowed, on consumption. 17 decidedly dubious liquid. In the strictest sense, champagne was understood by contemporaries to be sparkling wine produced in the Champagne region of France.

However, it wa

least the 1820s.22 In the 1850s large quantities of counterfeit champagne were being made in England from imported French grapes or even rhubarb.23 In the 1860s, if not before, cheap sparkling wines made in France were being sold in very large quantities at regular auctions in London and elsewhere.24 Nonetheless, unlike the producers of other wines, the champagne houses were not only able to enforce their terms on the marketplace but also brands were managed in ways that modern brand directors would recognise. Their success reinforces the arguments made by branding and business historians such as Duguid that the origins of branding lie at least as much in Britain and France in the nineteenth century as in the USA in the early twentieth century.25

Approach and methodology

The primary question for this thesis is what drove the nineteenth-century changes to . The second question is to consider how and why champagne in the nineteenth century was uniquely able to develop powerful brands. Answering the first question requires investigation of the role of

22 See 'One of the Old School', Wine and Spirit Adulterators Unmasked, 2nd ed. (London, 1828), pp. 106-7

for how to pass gooseberry wine off as 'champagne' to both consumers and the excise authorities.

23 C. Redding, Wine Duties' Reduction. An Abstract of the Evidence Given before a Select Committee of the

House of Commons, Upon the Import Duties on Wines, in May and June, 1852, with a Draft of the

Chairman's Report (London, 1852), pp. 170-1. See Western Times, 22 October 1859, p. 2 for an exemplar

24 For details of J.G. Winn's frequently rigged auctions, see Ridley's Wine and Spirit Trade Circular, 8

March 1866, p. 15

25 P. Duguid, T. da Silva Lopes, and J. Mercer, "Reading Registrations. An Overview of 100 Years of

Trademark Registration in France, the United Kingdom, and the United States," in Trademarks, Brands, and Competitiveness, ed. T. d. S. Lopes and P. Duguid (London, 2010), pp. 15-16. 18 branding and marketing. How far were the changes driven by consumers; how far by the producers of champagne and their agents? I will also consider the extent to which those responsible for these brands anticipated modern marketing practice for luxury brands and, consequently, what role champagne played in the evolution of modern branding and marketing. This is a market in which the integration of production studies (including marketing and branding) and consumption studies is made possible by the ability to access both the rich vein of contemporary consumption data and the evidence of the day to day practice of the London agents of the French champagne houses. By comparison with other wines in the British market, champagne was able to develop uniquely powerful brands that were managed in ways that closely prefigure the marketing practice of modern luxury brand owners. Branding and branding history are at the heart of this thesis, and some explanation of the relevant terminology is needed. During the nineteenth century, the usage of the wooden containers persisted but in the period 1860-75 the term also began to be used to refer directly to a specific product rather than to the identification mark itself. From 1860 ët became more common.26 From being a mark of quali became the thing itself. This issue is explored in detail in Chapter Two where I will argue that in the period 1860-75 which branding is seen as more than just a name or symbol and becomes a shorthand for the differentiating promise that is made to the consumer; a promise which involves not

26 FWexford Independent, 4 January 1860, p. 3. For the

Reading Mercury, 13 July 1867, p. 3.

19 personal experience of that product. During the 1860s, a number of French champagne producers (also known in , laid the foundations for powerful differentiate their products.27 The trade and general press used the terms or individual products; for example, & Chandon.28 As the century advanced, so the producers began to differentiate themselves not just by logotypes or other brand marks but by differences in style, approach and values. In other words, they started to position themselves against different consumer needs. After the mid-1880s, some of the houses also began to shift from a single masterbrand strategy towards a sub-brand strategy in which the product name was given greater weight and emphasis on the pack and in communication. Thus, in 1926, Moët & Chandon began to distribute the Dom Pérignon brand of champagne which gave greater weight to that name than to the parent name.29 Branding was a major challenge for the nineteenth-century wine trade. Wine merchants in general were not trusted. Because most wine was shipped in cask to England and bottled in situ, there were few, if any, guarantees of quality or barriers to

27 There is no single, authoritative guide to the many, often interchangeable, terms used by branding

practitioners. Generally I have followed the thinking of J.-N. Kapferer, Strategic Brand Management: New

Approaches to Creating and Evaluating Brand Equity (London, 1992), pp. 107-33.

28 The Sillery district had been known for champagne since at least the mid-eighteenth century. See

Aberdeen Press and Journal, 5 December 1752, p. 3 for an early reference.

29 For the launch of Dom Pérignon, see Chapter Five.

20quotesdbs_dbs25.pdfusesText_31

[PDF] champagne cocktails popular cocktails signature drinks suggested - Anciens Et Réunions

[PDF] Champagne Coeur de Noir d`Elise Dechannes

[PDF] Champagne Crémant d` Alsace White wine

[PDF] Champagne Crémant Spumante - Vignobles

[PDF] Champagne CUGNET - champagne maurice cugnet

[PDF] CHAMPAGNE CUVEE GABRIEL - Gosset - Anciens Et Réunions

[PDF] Champagne De Sousa - Anciens Et Réunions

[PDF] Champagne Delamotte à la coupe - France

[PDF] Champagne Deutz Coffret Amour de Deutz 2005

[PDF] Champagne Deutz, Brut Rosé - France

[PDF] CHAMPAGNE DOMI MOREAU

[PDF] Champagne Duval - Anciens Et Réunions

[PDF] Champagne e Spumanti - Anciens Et Réunions

[PDF] CHAMPAGNE ET PETITS FOURS nous vous attendons DINER ET

[PDF] Champagne EXTRA-BRUT « OENOPHILE - Anciens Et Réunions