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https://www.jstor.org/stable/40389587
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Mohand Tilmatine*
French and Spanish colonial policy
DOI 10.1515/ijsl-2016-0006
Abstract:The French colonial presence in North Africa gave rise to a view that -supposedly distinctive-qualities to the "the Kabyle (or Berber) myth"and was propagated both by "divide and conquer" policy. What's more, from the outset, the French and Spanish colonial govern- "Arab and ". These myths then became a key argument used by the post-colonial Keywords:French and Spanish protectorate, North Africa, Berber myth, Kabyle1 Introduction
The aim of this article is to analyze French and Spanish cultural policies with -1962; Morocco: 1912-1956). In particular, the *Corresponding author: Mohand Tilmatine,University of Cadiz, Cadiz 11001, Spain, -119 Among the useful analytical concepts to be examined are the so-called Kabyle mythin French Algeria and theBerber policyin Morocco, that peaked 's"divide and conquer"policy as well as the Christianization and 's Berber policy. Bureaux arabes['Arab Offices', hereafter BA] in Algeria Delegación de Asuntos Indígenas[Offices of Native Affairs] in Spanish2 France's Berber policy
According to the traditional European and North African literature (Kaddache 'good'Kabyle and the'bad'Arab and explore the circumstances in96Mohand Tilmatine
2.1.1 Arab/Berber dichotomy
Such a dichotomous categorization, i.e. Arabs versus Berbers, continues to evoke "North African history has often been narrated in academic "of which "Arab/Berber"is perhaps"the most central"(McDougall 2003: 66). -277). According to certain "mirage"(Ageron 1960: 315,1968: 267-277) and, in -(Lorcin 1995;2.1.2 Berber qualities
Following Ageron (1971: 51)"most French writers"who subscribed to the Kabyle "race"possessed such eminent qualities as"frank- French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa97 The same author also underlined the ancestral capacity of Berbers in the work "It was the Berber plough that made of Africa the granary of Rome."This "the Berber is, of tradition, a "true democrats"and"free citizens whom we "European"appearance:"While the Arab has black hair and "(Daumas and Fabar "Were they not the'pure white Berbers', the 'd had the least contact with imported civilizations? 'tall and slender', a white, people with a conical thorax, and the "(Ageron 1971: 53). Besides their "mini-republics" according to democratic social models of organization:"Le Moyen Atlas, c'est la "[The Middle Atlas is democratic in the true sense of the -54). Whether they are democrats or conservatives, certain2.1.3 Less islamized
Berbers especially distinguished themselves, according to colonial literature, by "a real moral code, ". This attitude can be 'holy wars') and their"almost equal aversion to Christians and Arabs" (Daumas and Fabar 1847: 193). "they were not "and"pure Berbers were barely practicing Muslims and almost never "(Ageron 1971: 52).2.1.4 Customary law
Berber hostility to Sharia law was asserted, without nuance, as a characteristic "non-Koranic and often anti-98Mohand Tilmatine
Koranic"(Ageron 1971: 54). In Renan's view (1873: 61), large numbers of Kabyle "while appearing to be irreproachable Muslims in regards to dogma, 't share their way of life. This is a rarity in According to Glay,"all Berbers view their national customs as law and we "(Ageron Contrôleur CivilBruno (civilian administrator in protectorate Morocco) "Theizref[Berber customary law] is more often in "(quoted "We have buried the Sharia. Whoever refers to or "(Ageron 1971: 54, note 4).Muḥend U Lḥusin; circa 1837-
1901), is well known as sharing this point of view, and oral traditions yield many
1Regarding reasons and social and political motivations and implications of this decision, see
French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa992.2 Hatred towards the Arabs
The supposed hatred of the Kabyles towards the Arabs allegedly made them2.3 The Bureaux arabes
Beginning in 1844, the army administered the majority of natives as well as the "preservation of peace"(Yver 1955: 570) and to maintain order in the Berber "This institution has, as its objective, to "(Yacono 1953: 15, 1992: 1658). "to accept our domination, and the accompanying elements "(Foucher 1858: 25-26). There khodja(Algerian secre- chaouch(orderlies), and supported by small groups ofSpahison "Avoir, pour ainsi dire, la main sur le pouls des tribus (note du "[to have, as it were, their finger on the pulse of100Mohand Tilmatine
Isolated in the midst of largely hostile tribes, the BA officers had to be, 's "an intelligent civilian in the skin of a "(Yacono 1992: 1658). Although it was not among their main objec-2.4 The project of an Arabic empire
On 17 September 1860, Napoleon III set foot on Algerian soil with an ambitious -a kingdom where equality between "the well-being of the three million Arabs who fate has brought ". With this declaration there was an impressive reversal "colonized"came to the fore, almost on the same level as "colonizers","the natives metamorphosed into Arabs"(Rivet 1991). "lived "providing a potential for France's guiding hand. He 's perspective, Algeria was seen as an Arab nation and as 's domination. Historians indicate that this political choice French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa101 It was clear that for the Emperor, this nation was Arabic and nothing more: "[...] notre possession d'Afrique n'est pas une colonie ordinaire, mais un roy- "[The country we have taken in Africa is not an ordinary colony but "Je le répète, l'Algérie n'est pas une colonie proprement dite, "[I repeat, Algeria is not a colony as such, but an Arabic Kingdom.2.5 The French Berber policy and the Dahir of 1930 in Morocco
It is important to remember that the political status of Algeria was not equal to department, and assimilation was the official aim of French policy in "the Moroccan people are not Arabic"and they "Arabic". "Dahir du 16 mai 1930, réglant le fonctionnement de la justice dans mahakamaspour l'application ˮ[Dahir of 16 May 1930, structuring the operation of justice in tribes102Mohand Tilmatine
of Berber custom not provided withmahakamas('Courts of justice')forthe -279). "Berber justice"to the new conditions 'urf(Arabic) 's content with a further Dahir in 1934 -2191). According to important sectors of the NationalistNahdaMovement and their sup-
's alleged purpose of Christianizing the Berbers who constituted a majority -86), in an Der Widerhall des Berber-Dahirs in der Islamwelt[Teh response of "across the Muslim "(quoted by Kampffmeyer [1934: 77]). Similarly,3Cf.The first three years of the Berber crisis, in http://said.hajji.name/en/book-berb3ans.html).
French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa103 Hoisington (1978: 434) argues that by placing the application of customary law urf) on a solid legal footing the Dahir posed a threat to Islam and to the unity of "an obstacle to the 'revealed'or Koranic law". -33), though giving little consideration to de facto policy, that of"divide and conquer", which the French had already learned in "three quarters of the population of the country from the Muslim law" and, consequently, from the temporal and spiritual authority of the Sultan of "[...] the Berber Mouslim Barbariand with the titleTempête sur le Maroc[Storm on3 Spain's cultural policy in Northern Morocco
It is important to point out that French and Spanish cultural policies differed inDelegación de
[Native Affairs] in the north of Morocco as well as the implica-4Un Berbère musulmanquoted by Abderraouf Hajji,La question berbère en 3 ans. Chapitre 14.
104Mohand Tilmatine
population. In the case of the Spanish Protectorate in northern Morocco, as in "peaceful penetration"and"pacification". The Spanish Royal OrderChelja(Berber) in the Arabic Academy of
"that the natives of that territory spoke, as their mother ". In the case of both France and Spain, the Alto Comisario[High Commissioner] (1931-1933). He presented "Notes for the study of public instruction in Morocco, ", in which he advocated the adoption of a Spanish School Alto Comisarioregarding the administrative organization in Tetouan following medersa[school]. He proposed"instruction with a Moroccan accent, majzenas a ". The aim was3.1 Arabic in Algerian and Moroccan secondary schools
Generally, for Algerians who had access to education, Arabic became a compul- French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa105 not Berber that was introduced in the schools by thePères Blancs[White Fathers]. "Arabness"of the North African countries as a fundamental fact. -982). "a group of perfectly prepared young teachers was given3.2 Translation schools for dialectal Arabic and Berber
Since the beginning of the Protectorate, Spain welcomed the commitment of the department.5From 1848 until independence, the whole north region of Algeria was administered as an
- Algiers, Oran and Constantine - were organized departments(local administrative units) under a civilian government.106Mohand Tilmatine
However, there is no doubt that in both Algeria and Morocco, Berber was "Vulgar Arabic"already began as early as 1888 inLa Academia de
[The Academy of Vulgar Arabic of Melilla] (1904) and the Academia de Árabe y Bereber de Tetuán[Academy of Arabic and Berber of Tetouan]Centro de Estudios Marroquíes[Centre
bases orgánicas) for its cultural policy "Hispanic-Arabic". There would be no "Hispanic-Berber schools".Ulemas[moslem
's more, the Spanish even favored running their administration in Arabic -910). French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa1073.3 Spanish Delegación de Asuntos Indígenas for the north
The similarities between the policies of the Spanish Protectorate and those of Interventores) of theDelegación de Asuntos Indígenas[Office forEl Telegrama del Rif, to study
"necessity"to create a BA in the fortified towns of the Oficinas Árabesas important instruments or"centers of penetration" in the Territories and Dominions of North Africa.4 Myths construing other myths
It is perhaps necessary to emphasize some of the aspects that favored the6Article VII, Decree of 29 December 1931 which regulates the reorganization in the zone (of the
7Many thanks to Mr. Vicente Moga Romero, Director of the municipal Archives of the auton-
108Mohand Tilmatine
have to deal with an exclusively external vision and interpretation of the "Berber myths"do not originate, 's so called Berber policy "myth"was sufficiently politically "doctrine"of the Arabic offices (Yver 1955: 570). It is4.1 Berber policy and Kabyle myth
The manner in which Moroccan Berbers were praised reproduced exactly the "on an old berberophile option which would become topical in "(Ageron "the Moroccan people are not Arabic"as myth and untruth. Such clichés are so French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa109 This trend is also true of other countries such as Libya since the fall of theMaghreb arabe[Arab Maghreb] has now been
"Arab"from the name"Arab Maghreb4.2 Berbers and Islam
The discourse surrounding Berbers and their relationship to Islam is another "not to arabize Qadis [Moslem Judges], and decreasing the importance of theirjmâ'a-s[assemblies or "(Ageron 1971: 57). Others like General "de-Islamise the Berbers and to "(quoted by Ageron 1971: 57). The Freemasons believe that we can "from the educated Berbers in order to counterbalance the Muslim "and that we must"avoid the eviction of the Customary law9http://www.lemag.ma/Maroc-U
10"Les Francs-Maçons au Maroc sous la IIIe République 1867-1940 », Chapitre IV, http://
110Mohand Tilmatine
On the other hand, however, it seems that"the BA do not adopt a hostile "(Yacono 1992: 1660). "evangelization appeared as a danger and ", and on that point Mgr. Lavigerie "evangelization policy". However, "empirically untenable on several points"(Hoffman 2010: 858).4.3 The myth of Arab North Africa and its Arabization
Surprisingly, some of these myths have survived throughout history, e.g. the "Arabic Nation", of which Algeria and the other countries of "homes of "and"meeting places of the most relentless enemies of our domina- "(Yacono 1992: 1664). The famous White Fathers also opened several "not wanting to hear any more ", and predicted that"genealogists will prove, with ", and that"these new recruits would in their turn want to arabize Rif, to French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa111 eradicate their old idiom, their customs and their ancestors". The author visua- "then the "(Moulieras 1899: 306). The White Fathers and "In Algeria [...], key positions are in the hands of ...] that the government "(Messaoudi 2009: 4).4.4 Favored treatment for Berbers?
Finally, another myth which requires deconstruction is the fact that the Berber 's explanation (Prologue: 5), the way to"penetrate into the heart "[...] it is true that few knew the Arabic language "(Yacono 1992: 1664).112Mohand Tilmatine
vehicles of expression, education, economy or, simply, daily use. Education was4.5 Linguistics and colonialism
There has been considerable research carried out on linguistics and colonialism "francization"attempts, which are most "Arab North Africa"myth. "a set of practices and performances"(Calvet 1999: 165), but "super central language" French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa113 such as Arabic. Arabic may be considered a second-rank language in the5 Concluding comments
The majority of the works pertaining to colonial North Africa focus on"Berber "by underlining the constructed oppositions and categories, created -323), the overwhelming majority of academic "untruths about an obvious fact"(Ageron on "untruths"in Algeria or Morocco does not prevent them from still being per-11Cf. for example the position of Fishman in this issue in his co-edited research with Tope
's contributions to interna-114Mohand Tilmatine
In summary, the colonial period bequeathed us a"Kabyle (or Berber) myth" which attributes certain qualities to this population which are blatantly false. "arabo-islamist"ideol- -firstly during the colonial period, then by European and North -born in the -the myth of North African 't achieve during the colonial period.Taḍa,Archs)
"Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylia", "Movement for Self-Determination of12About the termTaḍa[ceremony of colactation] cf. e.g. Marcy (1936) and Belghazi (1998,
Archs[Tribes of Kabylia], cf. Allioui (2006).
13Cf. the public breakfast organized during Ramadan in Tizi Ouzou, Kabylia on 3 August 2013.
French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa115 Could we be approaching independence? Even though that hypothesis mayReferences
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