[PDF] La Vida Cotidiana del Migrante Ecuatoriano: A glimpse into the lives

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La Vida Cotidiana del Migrante Ecuatoriano:

A glimpse into the lives of Ecuadorian immigrants in Spain and the United States by: Student ID Number: Masters of Arts in Professional Language and Intercultural Studies

The University of Leeds Class of 2013-2014

2 Abstract: This dissertation excogitates the concept of Ecuadorian migrant identity by exploring the lived histories of eight individuals in two major and inconclusive concept, the importance of culture, race, citizenship and discrimination is also considered Even though the definitions and present relevance of these terminologies remains controversial in academic circles, interpreting these constructs is nevertheless a good starting point for understanding how Ecuadorian migrants perceive, interact, and feel about their host societies. In particular, the recent surges of Ecuadorian immigration to Spain and the United States has not only allowed this group to procure important social and political clout in the two areas, experiences have varied significantly both between and within the two countries. Rather than attempt to ascertain a right or wrong answer, therefore, the material acknowledges the individuality and specificity of each case, and postulates that interpretations. While some comparison will have to be made with regards to the different economies and immigration policies of the two metropoles, this is only done to provide the contextual information that has influenced the self-perceived identities of the individuals being interviewed. Furthermore, this dissertation does not seek to examine the relationships between Ecuadorian migrants and their 3 various (social, racial, economic, political, etc.) groups to which they belong, and considers the significance of these interactions on their experiences abroad. Thus, the overall focus of this dissertation is to convey an honest and authentic representation of Ecuadorian immigrants within both Spain and the United

States.

4

CONTENTS

I"""" 5

CHAPTER I: THE RECENT AND PRESENT IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS

IN SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES

CHAPTER II: DEFINING, CONCEPTUALIZING AND DISSECTING THE KEY

CONCEPTS"""22

43
**Please note that the majority of the interviews were conducted in Spanish. These have been translated by the author and are represented as italicised quotes in the text. 5

INTRODUCTION:

The past two decades have been a decisive epoch of Latin American immigration to both Spain and the United States (US). These transnational movements have not only impacted the lives of millions of Latina/o migrants, but have also radically transformed the demographic, political and economic status quo of both destinations. A closer investigation of the circumstances in each country, however, reveals that these transformations have varied immensely between the two, thereby eliciting different perceptions among Latina/o migrants about their identifications within each context. Given the limited time and scope of this dissertation, the research predominantly focuses on the lived experiences of Ecuadorian immigrants. This has been done in spite of the fact that in both contexts these individuals are often grouped into a single a/ Thus, even though this research is only concerned with Ecuadorian migrants, the majority of the academic literature, statistical analyses and other secondary resources that are used as contextual information, generally fail to treat Ecuadorians as a distinct group. Furthermore, an interesting anecdote about this absence of specificity is that in some cases Ecuadorian migrants have actually begun to self-identify with this new, all-encompassing label in lieu of their nationality. Overall, this dissertation endeavors to grapple with Ecuadorian migrant ´ in Spain and the US. This is achieved by exploring the lived experiences of eight individuals in two major immigration hubs: New York City 6 and Madrid. In order to tackle the meaning other imperative questions are also considered, such as the use of language in intercultural exchanges, perceptions about immigration rights, the importance of Latinidad, the challenges of culture shock, and the meanings of citizenship, race and discrimination. Ecuadorian migrants were chosen as the focus of this research precisely because they make up a significant percentage of the total Latina/o population in both Spain and the US. This means that there is enough data to analyze Ecuadorian immigrants both as a distinct group and as part of the overall Latin American community in each destination. The research does not seek to solely examine the relationships between Ecuadorian migrants and their host populations. Rather, it intends to assess their positions within all of the various (social, racial, economic, political, etc) groups to which they belong, and to consider the overall significance of these interactions on their immigration experiences. Spain and the US were chosen as the settings for this research because these countries have been the epicenters of both Ecuadorian and Latina/o immigration over the past twenty years. As a result, Latin Americans are now the dominant minority group in both contexts, and the two have been described as having experienced a kind of Latinization in recent years (Davila, 2008, p.11). These changes have not only afforded dramatic social and demographic transformations, but have 7 in either destination (Davies,

2010, p.xii).

The oral histories of eight Ecuadorian migrants are used as primary materials for this research. The first part of this dissertation provides an analysis of the recent legal, social, political and economic circumstances in the two host countries. It also discusses some of the more significant transformations that have ensued from benchmark events. The second part conceptualizes key concepts, such as identity, culture, citizenship, race, Latinidad and discrimination, and defined these in light of the personal histories presented in the interviews. Since this dissertation does not endeavor to ascertain a right or wrong answer, the oral testimonies - the participants would have been asked the same questions. Instead, these were carried out as informal conversations, so that immigrants could openly discuss and elaborate on their situations. Four of the interviews I personally conducted over Skype, while the remaining four primary materials are video recordings filmed in 2010, by the Ecuadorian television icon, Christian Johnson. In his programme, Johnson interviews Ecuadorian migrants in different cities around the world and asks them to both share their perceptions about their new homes, and to discuss how they feel about what they have left behind. As with my own -based, and he allows his interviewees to carry the discussion in whichever direction they please. While some comparison will have to be made with regards to the different economies and immigration policies of the two metropoles, this is only done in 8 consideration of how these variations directly influence the self-perceived identities of the individuals interviewed. This dissertation is not meant to be a comparative piece on the host the focus remains on the individual . Nevertheless, there are an incessant number of factors which set the two apart, and some kind of comparison is unavoidable. This is especially the case when benchmark events occur which directly impact Ecuadorian immigrants circumstances and opportunities in the host countries. Since this is such an extensive topic, which would require far more time and breadth to gestate than this research can afford, the material does not attempt to ascertain a comprehensive conclusion about Ecuadorian immigrant experience in each context. Rather, it endeavors to portray a more honest and authentic representation of the situation in the two areas by focusing on the depth of individual accounts. There are many areas that could be expanded upon for future research, such as the implications of age, gender, male/female relationships, sexuality, economic standing, political affiliations, etc. Furthermore, the study only focuses on first generation immigrants and does not consider the position of second and third generations of immigrants, albeit their importance in both contexts. Overall, this remains an elementary investigation, as is shown by the fact that only eight individuals are interviewed. Such a tiny sample size obviously yields extremely limited results, and the research does not purport that the responses provided are representative of the larger population. 9 I. THE RECENT AND PRESENT IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS IN

SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES

As this dissertation endeavors to demonstrate, timing is a pivotal aspect of the immigration experience (Cwerner, 2010). Until only a few years ago, for example, Spain was the preferred destination for Ecuadorian immigrants, despite the better economic opportunities for settlers in the US. Certain legal and political developments in Spain, along with the onset of the 2008 economic recession, however, have recently reversed this trend in favor of the latter destination (Bertoli et al., 2010). A superficial synopsis of the evolution of Ecuadorian migratory flows over the past twenty years shows that from the mid to late this trend changed in favour of Spain, and that since the 2008 global recession, the US has once again become the preferred destination (ibid). Thus, it is precisely because of timing that the two countries under investigation experienced different types of Ecuadorian migration flows. This is meant with regards to the profiles of the immigrants that moved to each country, the reasons for their displacements, and the general attitudes that these individuals adopted once abroad. The recent fluxes of Ecuadorian emigrations to these two destinations can be -pull theory in that: 1) economic and political dilemmas in EcuaK´PRWLYDWHGLQGLYLGXDOVWROHDYH and 2) the (more) favorable immigration policies and financial circumstances of the two 10 host countries persuaded them to choose these two destinations (Pribilsky, 2007, p.7). More precisely coupled with the low oil prices, flood damages and political instabilities of the late ities abroad (ibid). Spain did not develop concrete immigration legislation when immigration to the country first began to gain momentum (Aja, 2012, p.65). Most of these early regularization programmes were geared towards providing legal rights to the illegal migrants already residing in the country, rather than on monitoring increasing influx of foreigners (ibid. pp.72-76). This placid approach to immigration (as compared to the policies of the US at the time) cardinal appeals for Ecuadorian immigrants (Bertoli et al., 2010). In addition, these migrants were also attracted to the fact that they

²such as a common

languageand that the Spanish government seemed to promote these links to encourage Latin Americans to settle in the country. This is why, until as late as

2003, Latinas/os were the only non-not required to

obtain visas to enter Spain (De Pablos, 2010). The combination of these factors rendered Spain a veritable ´ (a magnet) for the majority of Latina/o migrants, IORFNLQJWRWKHFRXQWU\DV³WRXULVWV´that would overstay their visits (ibid). It was not until 2000, with dramatically expanding presence of foreign labourers, that

Spain w

11 regulatory practices for its incoming migrants. Spain's 2000 "Law on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain and their Integration" (Ley Orgánica

4/2000), for example, was passed with the intention of both curbing the growing

flows of illegal immigrants, and further integrating unauthorized foreign residents (Jokisch, 2007). A year later, in January 2001, Ecuador and Spain signed a bilateral agreement that granted legal work visas to over 25,000 Ecuadorians living in the country illegally (ibid). Then in 2003, for the first time, Spain required that all Latina/o visitors obtain visas to enter the country, thereby ending the Finally, in 2004, the country passed the Real Decreto 2393/2004, a regularization policy which, in another attempt SUREOHP´JUDQWHGOHJDOVWDWXVWRRYHUXQauthorized Ecuadorian workers (Jokisch, 2007). What is interesting and almost sui generis about the Spanish case is that between 2000 and 2008, its immigration policies were mostly founded on integrating Latin American migrants into its economy and society, rather than following the exclusionary examples of the US and other European countries at the time (Bertoli et al., 2010). This does not mean that Spain was entirely welcoming of its ever- expanding Latina/o population, however. Nor does it suggest that it axiomatically treated this group as social, political and financial equals either. A notable percentage of the host population was actually perturbed by these demographic transformations, and racism remained a pertinent component of many of the interactions between the two groups (Bunge, 2014) Nevertheless, many 12 Spaniards recognized the economic benefits that Latin American migrants created for their country, particularly because Spain had experienced almost no natural population growth over the previous thirty years. Between 2002 and

2007, for example,

expansion and greatest contributor to labour market expansion (Departamento Comunicacion de la Fundacion BBVA, 2014, p.6). immigration legislation, and were clearly favored over other non-European minority groups. Latina/o migrants could apply for citizenship after only two years of residing in the country, a privilege which other non-European nationalities did not enjoy (Enríquez, 2014). This favoritism and racial/national discrimination especially with regards to its population size, gender ratios, age averages, labour profiles and linguistic diversities. By 2007, one in every four foreigners came from Latin America (Departamento Comunicacion de la Fundacion BBVA, 2014, p.9). In terms of Ecuadorian migration specifically, this group experienced its highest immigration flows to Spain between 2000 and 2004, with the majority of the reside in Madrid (ibid, pp.10-12). As previously mentioned, however, the acceptance of these immigrants was not without its limitationlos preferidos gained citizenship after only a few years of living in the country, these titles failed 13 to always guarantee a legitimate parity and tolerance of this group (Escribano et al., 2003, p.3). Beyond national surveys, which reveal a growing malaise towards these changes, (ibid pp.4-6 SURFHVV´DUHEHVWH[HPSOLILHGE\WKHDODFULW\DWZKLFKWKLV³IDYRXUDWLVP´ was reversed at the onset of the 2008 recession. For example, whereas in 2005, Spanish Prime Minister Zapatero annoyed many other European leaders because of his exceptionally easygoing policies towards undocumented Latina/o workers, by 2009, he was one of the principle advocates Return Directive for all foreign labourers (Kern, 2009, p.1). This reaction against foreigners can be expected given the particularly protracted impact of the global rate almost doubled between 2008 and 2009, and the majority of its largest sectorssuch as housing, real estate, construction, etc.which had previously boomed as a result of immigrant labour, suddenly collapsed. Almost overnight, Spain changed from being one of the fastest growing economies in Europe to one of the countries with the greatest levels of social unrest (ibid). It is imperative engendered radical changes in the Ecuadorian migrant experience. Whereas many of the earlier sources on this subject present the Latina/o position in the country in a propitious and encouraging light, reports written after 2009 relay the e worst (Buck, 2014). In February 2014, for example, The Financial Times reported that Latin American residents in Spain (including newly made Spanish citizens) were 14 fleeing the country by the thousands, thereby leaving many neighborhoods and communities bereft of their previous inhabitants. According to the article, the cardinal reason for WKHUHZDV³QRWKLQJOHIW´IRU ). As the interviews residents was not only meant with regards to the job shortages in the country, but also in terms of the overall absence of opportunities for them to genuinely integrate into Spanish society.

Trabajadora Aeropuerto (Airport employee), for

example, Ruth, a bathroom cleaner at the Madrid airport, discloses her experience of living and working in Spain over the past twelve years. While the interview starts off rather amicably, with Ruth elaborating on how busy she has been working two jobs, the more she describes her current situation, the more emotional she becomes. She explains that even though she feels extremely homesick and would love to see her family again, her financial situation makes this impossible. Ruth begins to break down as she talks about Ecuador, and she confesses that life in Spain is too different for herthat the people are too different, and that it has been particularly difficult in recent years. Thus, even though she acknowledges that there is a bit of everything in Spain, and that buenos y malos (there are good people and bad people), Ruth makes it clear that she neither feels fulfilled, nor happy in her current situation. Throughout the interview, she keeps repeating that it is very difficult, and that, despite having 15 lived in Spain for twelve years, she continues to feel extremely lonely (Johnson,

2010d).

In Guayaquileña telefonica (the

Guayaquilena telephone marketer), the woman being interviewed shares a very but a somewhat comparable perception of her current position as an Ecuadorian migrant in Spain. Dolores first arrived in the country with her two children to improve her financial position in 2007. In the three years that she has lived in Spain, she has married a Cuban, while both her children have married Spaniards. Even though she too, longs to return to

Ecuador, she believes

marriages. Nevertheless, as she proudly proclaims, there is no other country like Ecuador(sure). Despite having faced many problems with finding and maintaining a job, she thanks god that she has overcome these he salido aflote Dolores propounds that people in Spain are good, but that there exists far too much racism, and that the current situation is bad. This, she attests, is especially the case for Ecuadorians, who always end up working a lot, regardless of the type of occupations that they find. The problem stretches back to before the economic recession, in her opinionno hay trabajo. Diaz et al. support this final point that Dolores makes, and ina/o immigrants was more ´WKDQD

JHQXLQHUDSSRUWRI³cultural

16 opinion, therefore, Latin American migrants were primarily encouraged to move to the country because of economic and social necessities at the time. As a result, Latin American labourers in the (ibid). This is perhaps why Dolores advances integration into the Spanish milieu, and despite her frequent use of the word she does not feel completely integrated into the Spanish way of life, and that her heart remains with the food, the people la fiesta de Ecuador (the party of Ecuador) (Johnson, 2010a). The oral testimonies suggest that a number of the presently prominent Spanish immigration dilemmassuch as employment discrimination have actually always existed, even before the onset of the 2008 recession. The difference is that these were previously concealed under the guise of a supposed cultural affinity between Latinas/os and Spain. The inequality of which Dolores speaks, however, is not only evidenced by the undesirable occupations that traditionally employed Latinas/os, but is also seen in the kinds of pressures that many individuals within this group have felt to either adapt to a Spanish identity (and shed overt aspects of their or to Ecuador and reject many of the identifying elements of their host environment. According to Oscar Jara, who was El Director de la Secretaria del Migrante en Espana (the Director Secretary of Migrants in Spain) until 2013, many immigrants have been afraid to pursue the 17 middle route, whereby they combine aspects of both countries to shape a unique immigrant identity. He supposes this is the case because migrants mistakenly believe that they will lose out in both areas. Either they will continue to be treated as inferior foreigners or they will no longer have strong national ties to revert to when they are confronted with Spanish discrimination. Oscar was an Ecuadorian immigrant who resided in Spain for twenty-nine years. During this time, he became one of the most influential spokespersons for Latinas/os in the country, and often worked to establish support networks to help immigrants integrate into Spanish society. Oscar contends that one of the biggest exasperations for Ecuadorian labourers in Spain are the types of employments that are available to them, because these jobs are generally inferior to their qualifications from back home. Between 2000 and 2008, for example, the vast majority of Ecuadorian men worked either in construction, agriculture or hospitality, while most female labourers took on jobs as home-takers or domestics. Oscar has previously worked to improve this employment dilemma by pushing for the introduction of conversion degrees that allow migrants to equate their foreign qualifications with those recognized in Spain. An example of a project that he has worked on was the introduction of a conversion programme in the Technico de Madrid, which offers specific courses for immigrants to complement their skills and previous degrees and gain Spanish diplomas. Despite some of these breakthroughs, however, Oscar recognises that it can be challenging for immigrants to have the opportunities to integrate within Spanish 18 society. He equates this to both externally imposed barriers, such as racism, as well as to the internally-imposed barriers which immigrants sometimes create, such as their fears of losing their national roots through assimilation. In the US case, on the other hand, Latin American immigrants appear to enjoy greater levels of into mainstream, albeit with many limitations. One of the most pronounced examples of this was -election in 2012, which is commonly attribu Latino vote. Polling data reveals that Obama received a record high 69% of the total Latin American vote that year, which, given the prodigious number of Latina/o residents in the US, was one of the most influential and decisive support bases during the election (Forbes, 2012). This more active political participation of Latinas/os does not confirm that the group has necessarily achieved complete social, economic and/or political equality in the country, however. Ultimately, continue to vary based on a range of different factors. These include their various countries of origin, the reasons they chose to immigrate, the connections they may have had before arriving, their financial situations and the areas in which they settled. Also, since this is such a large umbrella groupit was estimated that 54.1 million Latinas/os resided in the US as of July 1, 2013there is no viable method to expound a general overview In comparison to Spain, the US has experienced a much longer and more complex history with Latin American immigration, which is that reason for tionally stricter immigration regulations for this group. In particular, 19 tcontrols over the past decade, and the ever expanding surveillance at the U.S.-Mexico borderrendered clandestine migration to the US far more expensive and dangerous than migration to Spain(Jokisch, 2007). Nevertheless, despite these challenges, the numbers of Ecuadorians entering the country, both legally and illegally, have never faltered. National statistics posit that between 1,000 and 2,000 Ecuadorian migrants are apprehended at the US border each year, while thousands more make it across without being stopped (ibid). Many among this group are from urban areas in Ecuador, and hold different university or skill-based qualifications (Bertoli et al.

2010, p.11). While some struggle to gain any kind of legal documentation, others

have had an easier time obtaining these through family members or acquaintances who already held citizenship. Between 2000 and 2005, for example, an estimated 9,196 Ecuadorians obtained legal residency in the US (Jokisch, 2007). This number has steadily increased each year, so that by 2011, national data estimated that a notable 645,000 Ecuadorians (or individuals of

Ecuadorian origins) resided in the US

2013, p.1). The majority of Ecuadorians have chosen to reside in New York

about 40%-- and a little under half of the total population are now US citizens (ibid, pp.1-3). Ecuadorian men are usually employed in restaurants, while most female migrants find jobs in sweatshops or as cleaners in office buildings (ibid). compared to many other Latin American groups, 20 Ecuadorians have traditionally enjoyed a higher average annual earning and lower unemployment and poverty rates (ibid, p.3). The length restrictions of this dissertation have made it impossible to elaborate on the numerous immigration legislations that have been passed in the US over the past two decades. Furthermore, such an overview would take away from the primary objective of this research. Nevertheless, it is crucial to highlight the fact that the immigration debate, and especially Latin American immigration, continues to be a hotly contested issue within the US political arena. Two immigration policies, in particular, deserve mentioning. These are the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (Daca) and the Immigration Bill. Daca is an executive order that President Obama introduced in 2012, to protect illegal migrants who had entered the US under the age of 16. The harassment against these youths by two years, and can be renewed biannually until individuals have obtained a legal status. While it has many benefits, the act is also restricted by numerous eligibility requirements (Mayorkas, 2012). Bill, on the other hand, is a monumental between Democrat and Republican congressmen, which has opened the doors for millions of undocumented residents to attain citizenship. In a nutshell, the bill outlines 13-year pathway to which is that individuals must first meet (Kim, 2013). These two imperative legislations have begun to redress many of the challenges that Latina/o migrants continues to endure, such as social exclusion, 21
employment insecurity and political discrimination. These are some of the hardships that Eros Guevaraan Ecuadorian musician who illegally immigrated to New York as a teenager in 1996discusses in an interview with Johnson in

2010. Even though he struggled to move to an environment that is estranged

from his native country, and void of the rest of his family and friends, after living in New York for sixteen years, Eros feels that he has become a New Yorker of sorts. That said, he is still very attached to his Latin American roots, not necessarily because he plans to return to Ecuador, but because he empathizes with the millions of illegal Latinas/os who continue to be exploited as a result of their clandestine status. His music is based on the theme of illegality, and his songs are meant to reach out to his Latin American brothers, who remain victims (illegal documents). Since Eros came to the US as an illegal immigrant, he understands the struggles to integrate that the Latina/o community must endure in light of the country policies. Since this interview was recorded in 2010, it would be interesting to find out whether Eros considers Daca and the Gang of Eight Bill as progressive steps towards eliminating these problems. This is because even though both of the aforementioned legislations contain a number of eligibility limitations, the two were nonetheless introduced (and adamantly fought over) in order to offer greater opportunities to undocumented migrants in the US. In addition to these legal advancements, Latina/o immigrants are currently s social, political and demographic identities. While this has engendered fears among certain individuals the 22
phenomenon t(Davis, 2000, p.1). This includes changes such as the present usage of Spanish in most public sectors and institutions, the explosion of Latina/o dance and music in the charts and the availability of Latina/o food in constitution (ibid, p.44). These changes have become an integral aspect of the status quo, despite the fact that barely twenty years ago these kinds of influences were only prevalent in a few, concentrated areas, such as Miami (ibid). The spread of Spanish throughout the US (and not solely among immigrant communities) is a particularly notable transformation that is rather rare for most host countries. In fact, as some of the oral testimonies will confirm, the use of Spanish has become so prevalent in the US, that a significant number incoming Latina/o immigrants no longer feel obligated to learn English once they settle in the country. II. DEFINING, CONCEPTUALIZING AND DISSECTING THE KEY CONCEPTS Identity remains both challenging and problematic to define because the concept can be interpreted through a number of different representative postmodern discourses WKDQD³FDWFK-other theories propound that it is an indispensible examined as an intimate, social and political construct (Schwartz et al., 2006, p.5). 23
Stuart Hall proposes a rather negative interpretation of the concept by defining it as the combination of which are therefore, identity continues to be relevant to the individual precisely because it is identical, naturally- should not be underestimated when defining the concept because identity isquotesdbs_dbs46.pdfusesText_46

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