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Principles and

Political Potential

(eds.)

Civil Society

Today

Principles and Political Potential

Wolfgang Mazal / Bettina Rausch

Imprint:

© 2021 Verlag noir, Vienna

Verlag noir, 1120 Wien, Tivoligasse 73

Editor: Christian Moser-Sollmann,

Felix Ofner, Roman Schachenhofer,

Lorenz Jahn

Translation: Robert McInnes

Print: Print Alliance HAV Produktions GmbH,

Produced according to the guidelines

of the Austrian Ecolabel.

Printed according to the guidelines of the

Austrian Ecolabel,

Print Alliance HAV Produktions GmbH,

Printed in Austria

ISBN: 978-3-9504939-0-0

Disclaimer:

?is is a joint publication of the Wilfried Martens Centre for European Stud ies and the Political Academy of the Austrian People´s Party. ?is publication receives funding from the European Parliament. ?e Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, the Political Academy of the Austrian People´s Party, and the European Parliament assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or any subsequent use of the information con tained therein. Sole responsibility lies on the authors of the publication. Reviewed by: Sandra Pasarifi, WMCES (Brussels, Belgium) & Christian

Moser-Sollmann, PA (Vienna, Austria)

Table of Contents

Foreword ............................................. 11

I. Fundamentals and theory of the civil society

From the Community of Citizens to the Civil Society Political Participation in Antiquity and Modern Times Simon Varga .......................................... 15 e Civil Society and the Bourgeoisie

Ernst Bruckmüller

..................................... 35

Fundamental Principles of the Civil Society

Which Trends Do We Need to Protect Ourselves Against?

Werner J. Patzelt

....................................... 65 e Phenomenology of the Civil Society Manfred Prisching ..................................... 85 e Civil Society - A (neo-?) Liberal Project

Alexander Bogner

..................................... 111 e Civil Society - Cure-All for Democracy or Just a Sweet Dream? A Plea for a Regulatory Policy for the

Commitment Society

Michael Borchard

.................................... 125 e Civil Society between the Poles of Security and Freedom

Peter Kampits

........................................ 149

Missing: Bridge Builders -

Considerations on the Polarisation of Western Societies and How is Can Be Overcome

Benjamin Hasselhorn

................................. 159

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Participation, Codetermination, Moralisation:

How Social Movements Have Changed

Christian Moser-Sollmann

............................. 175 e Sensitive “I" oughts on an Insecure Society Between Digitalisation and Hyper-Individualisation Johannes Domsich .................................... 189 e State and the Civil Society - or the Citizen Society?

Casting a Glance at Light and Shade

Till Kinzel ........................................... 201

A Community of Free and Responsible People

Bettina Rausch ....................................... 219 e Civil Society and Articial Intelligence -

Trends and Challenges for Dealing with AI in the

European Union

Julia Juen / Verena Ringler

............................. 231

II. Civil virtues - case studies

Civil Society: Key Activities of the Political Academy ...... 253 e Social Contract in Change r ... 255 e “New Civil Society":

A State that Gives its Citizens Space to Breathe

.................. 262 A Civil Society in Europe? Strong Impulses from the Regions Europe and Society Start at Home - on the Eective Power of Applied, Initiated Formats of Encounter and Dialogue in the

Regional, as well as Cross-border, Context

Verena Ringler / Magdalena J. Schneider ................ 277

Ruth Williams / Christoph Robinson

Justus Reichl

Elisabeth Mayerhofer

Wolfgang Mazal

Christine Leopold

Martina Kronthaler

Elisabeth Anselm

Karl Langer

Foreword

Foreword

In addition to the separation of powers and the liberal consti tutional state, active citizens who help fashion the community are central pillars of our democracy. In this respect, citizens are not only the addressees of the state's rules and norms, but also co-creators of precisely those norms. And, the community in a liberal state is more than government order; it is the interaction between people and their relationships to each other - in families and friendships, at work, and in organisations. Active participation in the personal and public environment enriches many different facets of human life and, in doing so, makes our society more diverse and colourful. ?ere can be no question that humans are political and social beings, and that their individuality can only fully develop within a community. We find many different answers to how we want to organise our community, and our society, in democracies of the Western kind. Broadly speaking, the following differentiations can be made: Poli tics that are typically located on the left define themselves prin cipally by way of the paternalistic state that monitors all spheres of life, and plans and regulates the way lives are led down to the smallest detail. In our eyes, although conservative politics relies on the state to set general parameters, it places individual freedom and responsibility at the core. It trusts the intrinsic drive in each and every citizen to want to make a contribution to a functioning community according to their abilities. ?is is the fundamental idea of the political concept of a "civil society" as a community of free and responsible people.

Wolfgang Mazal

Bettina Rausch

Fundamentals and theory

Fundamentals and theory

From the Community of Citizens to the Civil Society Political Participation in Antiquity and Modern Times

Simon Varga

Introduction

At first sight, linking antiquity and the present day in political affairs might awaken suspicions of anachronism, especially seeing that political practice has already undergone many metamorpho ses over the course of history, and will obviously also experience even more changes in the future. However, at second sight, a proj ect of this kind seems to be not only historically, but also systemati cally, logical. Already present in the early stages of Greek political thought in its classical tradition, a question - that is still unavoid able for life in a union or community and that many modern states still struggle with - was asked and attempted to be answered, in theory and practice: that of the level and significance of the politi cal participation of the individual in the political community. Although it is not possible to provide a comprehensive portrayal of the many historical developments leading from the community of citizens of ancient times to today's civil society in all its nuances,

Civil Society Today

even sketching these developments leads to the - in no way sur- prising - conclusion that, then and now, citizen participation was and is an essential necessity for the organisation of political coexistence - and will continue to be so. However, as already indi cated, this is something of a truism. e two central questions deal much more with the intensity of political participation the citizens can demand and where the fundamental dierences between the ancient community of citizens and modern civil society can actu ally be discerned. is essay begins with a brief depiction of the immediate ancient political practice of the so-called community of citizens, connected with a historical-political overview of political life in the classical

Greek period

(1) . is was followed by a change in the political theory of antiquity. In it, the fundamentals of the politico-anthro pological philosophy of Aristotle and his concept of political par- ticipation in the course of the “best imaginable state" developed by him are discussed (2) . e transformation from the ancient com munity of citizens to the modern civil society - especially based on sociological observations - will, at least, be touched on in the next step (3). Taking the current global socio-political developments into consideration, the next section handles the current impor- tance of the civil society that, in my opinion, can still be regarded to a large degree as a community of citizens - and maybe even increasingly so - without questioning the modern developments and achievements such as human rights, democracy, and civil lib erties in any way (4) . Finally, the last point leads to an investigation of the foundation of community policy empathy as a civic right and duty (5)

Fundamentals and theory

1. Ancient political practice: Organisation, participation,

and dichotomy ere can be no doubt that ancient Greece occupies an impor- tant place in connection with the development and fundamen tal understanding of the political in Europe and even beyond its borders. is pertains particularly to the so-called Greek classical period beginning with the military conicts between the Greeks and the Persians to the coronation of the soon-to-be Macedo nian King Alexander the Great - the time from around 500 to

336 BC. In this classical period, the Greek city states (Old Greek:

(sing.); (pl.)), including Athens, Sparta, and ebes, achieved their uniquely great historical, political, and cultural importance of global signicance, which would have been impos- sible in this fashion without the political organisation of the And that occured - surprising as it may seem - in spite of many internal political conicts within the city states themselves, as well as those among the city states, and external military threats from other regions of the Mediterranean. In the classical period, there were likely more than 800 settle ments that could be classied as a ; their physical appearance diered greatly although, “in principle, the inner structure of the settlement space was the same." 1 is usually consisted of an urban centre with a political, economic, and cultural infrastructure with the economic and/or political agora, the meeting place for trade and politics in the centre, bordering on administration and cult buildings, as well as the land surrounding the urban centre that was necessary for agricultural purposes. For example, all of Attica belonged to the of Athens and citizens living anywhere in 1 Funke, Peter: Die griechische Staatenwelt in klassischer Zeit. In: Gehrke, Hans-Joachim / Schneider, Helmuth (eds.), Geschichte der Antike, Stuttgart

2006, p. 176.

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Attica referred to themselves as Athenians even if they lived in a village far away from the main city itself. 2

It seems that Athens,

the most inuential , had a population of between 200,000 and 300,000 during the classical period with the majority of the inhabitants living in rural areas. 3 e ideal of the “political self-administration and government by the citizens and striving for internal and external independence" was a characteristic of the political self-image of the city states. 4 is shows that the goals of political autarchy and autonomy, which were inseparable from the striving for permanent economic stability to be able to provide the citizens with the goods that were necessary and desirable for life at the time, stood at the forefront of the endeavours of the city states. is suggests that there was active economic exchange among many city states. However, most had their own army, their own legal system as well as their own calendar, and dierent priorities were even set in connection with the mythical cult within the individual city states. e political self-image of the ancient city state of the classi cal era was founded on two historical-categorical facts of political practice (and, to a large extent, also of political theory) that have to be dealt with in any examination of the subject of political par- ticipation in antiquity: the division of the into free and unfree people as well as the paradigm of the free (male) citizen within the . In spite of “the great variety of social and state manifestations in ancient Greece", the separation into free and unfree must be 2quotesdbs_dbs27.pdfusesText_33

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