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UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amste rdam (http://dare.uva.nl)

MONEY Y

ÜÖLefl l tik tik

lials s amongg the Xhosa inn Cape Town,

Southh Africa

Erikk Bahre

Moneyy and Violence

Financiall mutuals among the Xhosa in Cape Town, South Africa

ACADEMISCHH PROEFSCHRIFT

Terr verkrijging van de graad van doctor

aann de Universiteit van Amsterdam opp gezag van de Rector Magnificus

Prof.. Mr. P.F. van der Heijden

tenn overstaan van een door het college voor promoties ingestelde commissie,, in het openbaar te verdedigen in de Aula der

Universiteit t

opp Woensdag 4 september 2002 om 14.00 uur door r

Erikk Bahre

geborenn te Geleen

Promotor:: Prof. dr. A. de Swaan

Co-promotor:: Dr. R. Ross

Commissie:: Prof. dr. P. Geschiere

Dr.. D. James

Prof.. dr. M. van der Linden

Prof.. dr. I. Niehaus

Prof.. dr. H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen

Amsterdamsee School voor Sociaal Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek Faculteitt der Maatschappij- en Gedragswetenschappen

Universiteitt van Amsterdam

ISBN:: 90-9015963-0

Omslagontwerp:: Richard van Kampen

Productie:: VU drukkerij

Contents s

Glossaryy and Abreviations

Acknowledgementt

Partt I: Introduction

1.. Introduction: Questions and Methods

1.11 Questions 1

1.22 Studying Townships 7

1.33 Fieldwork and Violence 11

1.44 Outline 14

2.. Introduction: Types and functions of financial mutuals

2.11 Introduction 17

2.22 Burial Societies 17

2.2.11 Burial Society without a fund 21

2.2.22 Burial Society with a fund 21

2.3.. Imigaleto and other ROSCAs 25

2.44 Grocery Clubs and other ASCRAs 28

2.55 Comparing Functions 31

2.5.11 Social constraint to self-constraint 32

2.5.22 Social security 33

2.5.33 pleasure 35

Partt

II: Threatening triad

3:: The political economy of migration

3.11 Introduction 39

3.22 Earning money 40

3.33 Changing kinship relations 44

3.44 Migrant men of one home 48

3.55 female neighbours 55

3.66 Conclusion 60

4:: Violent developments in Indawo Yoxolo

4.11 Introduction 63

4.22 The development dream 64

4.33 Development policy rules 66

4.44 Political struggles in Indawo Yoxolo 71

4.4.11 The Project committee 71

4.4.22 The opposition 73

4.4.33 Future dwelling 74

4.4.44 The school 75

4.4.54.4.5 ANC 78

4.4.66 Challenging Future Dwelling 80

4.4.77 Changes in the political field 82

4.4.88 The wake 87

4.4.99 A new opposition 88

4.55 The effect of weak resistance 92

4.66 Violence: Beyond political economy 95

4.77 Conclusion 96

5:: Witchcraft and the exchange of sex, blood and money

5.11 Introduction gg

5.22 Conceptualising sex, blood, money, and witchcraft -\QQ

5.33 No money, no honey 104

5.44 Witch familiars and exchange

1 1 2

5.4.11 Chanti 112

5.4.22 Thikoloshe 113

5.4.33 Mamlambo 115

5.55 A pattern of exchange 117

5.66 Conclusion 120

Partt

III: co-operation

6:: Creating mutuals: reluctant solidarity

6.11 Introduction 125

6.22 Exclusive values 126

6.33 Poor reputations 131

6.44 The funeral 137

6.4.11 Struggling neighbours 138

6.4.22 Two competing neighbours 140

6.4.33 Respect and disgrace 142

6.4.44 Quarrelling kin 144

6.55 Conclusion 148

7:: Maintaining mutuals: hope for islands of trust

7.11 Introduction 151

7.22 Risks of different mutuals 152

7.2.11 Burial society 153

7.2.22 ROSCA 155

7.2.33 ASCRA 156

7.33 Masifunde 157

7.3.11 Making the rules 157

7.3.22 Opening an account 160

7.3.33 Social control and flexibility 161

7.3.44 Sharing money 164

7.3.55 Containing risk 171

7.44 Co-operation without trust 172

7.55 Conclusion 177

8:: Spending money: Consumption, friendship and friction

8.11 Introduction

8.22 Status and conflict 179 9

181 1

8.33 Zolani Club: the price of a bed 154

8.3.11 Financial arrangements 184

8.3.22 History igg

8.3.33 Friendship and support 190

8.3.44 Linda"s birthday 191

8.3.55 After Linda"s birthday 197

Thee neighbour?

Colleaguess at work?

Thandi? ?

Linda"ss husband"s family?

8.44 Conclusion 201

9:: Conclusion

9.11 Transformations 203

9.22 Ambivalence 206

9.33 Experience as methodology 209

9.44 Considerations 211

Notes s

Appendixx I: Methodology: What I did

Bibliography y

Summeryy in Dutch

Glossaryy and Abreviations

Glossary y

Abakhayaa (urn)

Amayeza a

Canthi i

Emaxhoseni i

Financiall mutual

Igqirha a

Igqwima a

Influxx control

Lobola Lobola

Mamlambo o

Stokvel l

Spaza a

Thikoloshe e

Ubuntu u

Ubuthakati i

Ukutwala a

Umasingcwabane e

Umasiphekisame e

Umasingcedane e

Umgaleloo (imi)

Herbs s

Snakee (Creature of witchcraft)

"Thee land of the Xhosa" Collectivee informal financial arrangement, also known ass financial self-help association

Diviner r

Witc Discrimanatoryy apartheid laws restricting Africans in theirr movements and work Cattlee given by the groom"s family to the bride"s family ass part of marriage Creaturee of witchcraft that can resemble a woman, or root,, or "mermaid"

Typee of financial mutual, mostly ROSCA

Smalll local informal shop that sells some

food, ciga- rettess and so on Creaturee of witchcraft with a huge penis, one buttock, hairy,, size of a child

Ideologyy of humanity

Witchcraft t

Kidnappingg of bride

"Lett us bury each other": burial society, mostly with fund d "Lett us cook together*: burial society, mostly without fund d "Lett us help eachother": burial society, mostly without fund d

Fromm "to

pour* because money is "poured" at meetings:

ROSCAA or ASCRA

Homestead d

Abreviations s

ANC C

ASCRA A

DPC C NP P RDP P

ROSCA A

SANCO O

UDM M Africann National Congress

Accumulatingg Savings an Credit Association

Developmentt Planning Committee

Nationall Party

Reconstructionn and Development Programme

Rotatingg Savings and Credit Association

Southh African National Civics Organisation

Unitedd Democratic Movement

Acknowledgements s

II was in the privileged position that many people and institutions assisted me inn the process of making this book. The confidence that my supervisor Abram dee Swaan and my co-supervisor Robert Ross showed in my research project wass a tremendous support. I appreciate the freedom that I had, as well as the inspiringg and open conversations about the research. Abram de Swaan par- ticularlyy encouraged me to approach the issues that arose from new angles andd thus allowed me to explore new avenues of thought. The importance of Robertt Ross" gentle questions and suggestions, as well as his historical knowledgee of the region, mostly revealed itself after our meetings during my walkk back to the train station. I wish to express my gratitude to Bonno Thodenn van Velzen, my first anthropology teacher, for his continued involve- mentt and support. He commented on the chapters and encouraged me to exploree the finer shades and bright spots that enhanced the depth of the research. . Thee Amsterdam School for Social Science Research was a pleasura- blee and sheltered working environment. I am grateful to the constant efforts off Teun Bijvoet, Anneke Dammers, Annelies Dijkstra, José Komen, Miriam May,, and Hans Sonneveld for maintaining this environment and not giving in too bureaucratic cynicism. The many conversations around the coffee machine,, and during lunches and seminars were of tremendous value. Itt was great to discuss with fellow researchers about research experiences, ideas,, and inevitable frustrations. I wish to thank particularly José de Abreu, Lecocq,, Song Ping, Marina de Regt, Alexandra Schüssler, Rachel Spronk, and Sikkoo Visscher. The careful reading of some chapters by Birgit Meyer was of greatt help and forced me to sharpen my arguments. The "collective imagina- tion"" reading club initiated by Mattijs van de Port and Bonno Thoden van Velzenn was an inspiring and joyous forum. Many chapters and ideas have beenn discussed in the "mutual club" for which I wish to show my gratitude to Asphaa Bijnaar, Abdoulaye Kane, Marcel van der Linden, Hotze Lont, Abram dee Swaan, and Peer Smets. Thee presentations and debates at the PhD "Africa seminars" initiated byy Peter Geschiere and Robert Ross made me sensitive to the specificity of myy findings as well as the resemblances to other regions. Our informal "South Africa-researchers"" group with Julia Homberger, Wiebe Nauta, and Barbara Oomenn was a pleasant place to exchange information and ideas. Duringg my fieldwork in Cape Town, I was fortunate to be affiliated withh the Department of Anthropology and Sociology at the University of the Westernn Cape. I am particularly indebted to Patrick McAllister, now at Canterburyy University, New Zealand. I enjoyed our conversations on the researchh process and his knowledge of Xhosa society was of tremendous help.. I took pleasure in the many talks with Yolisa Pikie and appreciated the wayy in which he combined fierce arguments with a liberating sense of humour.. UMAC, particularly Sean Tait, were of tremendous help for introdu- cingg me to the people of "Indawo Yoxolo", and for their honest advice during thee threatening episodes of the fieldwork. II had the chance to teach and generous time to write on this thesis att the School of Anthropology, Psychology and Social Work at the University off Natal, Durban. Moreover, during that year I had the opportunity to get to I I knoww South Africa more intimately. The conversations with Suzanne Leclerc- Madlalaa gave me more confidence with regard to some controversial findings off the research. I wish to express my thanks to Jim Kiernan for sharing his tea andd insights, particularly on trust and exclusion. Isak Niehaus was very gen- erouss to host me for quite some time and with great pleasure I recall the long debatess on politics and power, for which I am very grateful. II spent about the last half-year writing at Sikko Visscher"s dinner table.. His company made the writing easier and more fun. I enjoyed the manyy walks, talks, and laughs and am appreciative for his support in this last phase.. I wish to thank Tanja Chute for her conscientious editing of my English andd Richard van Kampen for designing the cover and layout of the text. I had severall heated and constructive debates about methodological issues with Peterr Zuithoff, for which I wish to thank him. Giselinde Kuipers was a huge helpp as she commented on numerous versions of the chapters. Our conver- sationss on preliminary interpretations and academia in general were very encouraging.. I was fortunate to develop and publish some ideas on financial mutualss with Peer Smets. I am grateful for his support during the many stages andd facets of the research. II am touched by the willingness of the Xhosa migrants in Cape Town,, particularly in "Indawo Yoxolo", to help me do the research. I appreci- atee their courage to cross racial barriers, tolerate me, reveal their lives, and sharee their inglorious thoughts and moments. In this study I have given most off them anonymity in order to minimise the risk of repercussions against them andd because I do not wish to abuse their trust. Although the people are anonymous,, I sincerely hope that this study reveals some aspects of their lives thatt are important to them yet too often ignored. Most of the people who tookk the time to answer my questions cannot read this. Maybe in the future onee of their children or grandchildren will enjoy reading about their lives. II cannot imagine how this research would have turned out if Edith Nokwanelee Moyikwa not assisted me. Her wit and loyalty, as well as her enthusiasmm to reflect on her own society and life was a tremendous inspira- tion.. I am honoured that I was able to work with her and share a year that was tumultuouss for both of us. The fieldwork experience enriched my life tremen- douslyy and I largely owe this to her. Finally, I owe a great deal to Esther Blom forr her encouragement, company, and incredible support. I consider myself privilegedd that I could share my experiences, stories, and ideas with her. I feel veryy fortunate that we embarked on this South African adventure together, andd I could not have wished for a better friend. For this, and much more,

II wish to thank my love.

Somee of the material has appeared (or is about to appear soon), whichh has helped me to adjust and strengthen my ideas and arguments: (1999)) Financial Self-help Organizations in South Africa; an overview. Amsterdam:: Amsterdam School for Social Science Research. (1999) The util- ityy of money and consumption in making friends and frictions among Africans inn Cape Town, South Africa. In Money and Culture; Examples from Indonesia, Southh Africa and India. P. Smets, ed. Pp. 27-63. Urban Research Working Papers.. Amsterdam: Free University. (2000) Begrafenisonderlinges in Zuid- Afrika;; De zorg voor "mensen van hetzelfde thuis". Tijdschrift voor de Sociale Sectorr (April):31-33. (2000) The price of a bed: Migrants and money in Cape Town.. Etnofoor XII(2):55-77. (2001) Housing for the urban poor in Cape Town: aa post-apartheid dream or nightmare? Global Built Environ-ment Review II I

1(1):33-44.. (2002) "Witchcraft and the exchange of sex, blood, and money".

Journall of Religion in Africa (forthcoming). And with Smets (1999) Counting onn People; Trust and Control in ROSCAs. In Trust and Co-operation; sym- bolicc exchanges and moral economies in an age of cultural differentiation. P.. Smets, H. Wels, and J.v. Loon, eds. Pp. 51-66. Amsterdam: Spinhuis. Ill l

Partt I: Introduction

11Introduction: :

Questionss and Methods

1.11 Questions

Fromm the eighties onward, when apartheid was crumbling, increasingly more Africanss migrated to Cape Town, South Africa. They did not leave their homess in the Eastern Cape because they enjoyed the city; like the many tourists,, who, not unlike the Dutch East India Company of the colonial past, cherishh it as a refreshment station. To the Xhosa migrants Cape Town was, andd still is, a hostile city: people fear murder, rape, and theft; they do not knoww their neighbours; friends are scarce; kin, the living as well as the dead, aree absent; and racist attitudes by Coloureds and Whites are ever present. Thee Xhosa migrants have only one motivation to plunge themselves into the unknownn and hostile squatter camps of Cape Town: money. Thiss ethnography concerns the way in which Xhosa migrants in Capee Town collectively manage their money in financial mutuals.1 The migrantss organise a myriad of groups in which the participants collectively save,, borrow, lend, or insure themselves with their hard-earned money. The groupss vary in size and organisational characteristics are diverse. Some groupss consist of only a few neighbours while there are also insurance arrangementss with a few hundred members that make sure money is avail- ablee in order to attend the funeral of a relative back home, as well as to pre- ventt a burial in this horrible city. Financiall mutuals were the first and often the only organisations that thee migrants established. The squatter camps and new townships in Cape Townn were virtual deserts for social and organised initiatives: In the new neighbourhoodss there were no organisations to speak of. In Indawo Yoxolo -- the main research site - it took years before the first soccer games were held.. The churches were for the most part located elsewhere in the city and thereforee did not play an important role in the neighbourhood. Politics was dangerouss and therefore most people did not want to participate, even on a locall level such as a street. All rituals, such as funerals, initiations or ancestor worshipp took place outside of the city, back home in the Eastern Cape. Migrantss therefore rarely organised themselves in the city for ritual purposes. Thee forms of organisation, such as participation in local politics, churches, soccerr clubs, unions, age groups, did not provide an alternative- However, financiall mutuals were an exception: They blossomed in this social desert. Thee main concern of Xhosa migrants was money and it was around money thatt their social configurations crystallised. Inn this study I approach financial mutuals as a social configuration, thatt allows to study what has changed for the majority of Africans in a liber- atedd post-apartheid South Africa. Because they concern money financial mutualss are particularly useful for getting insight into the hopes and dreams, ass well as the worries and anxieties, of poor Africans. Money was the reason forr migrating to Cape Town and money was needed to maintain relations withh kin back home. The image of migrants is often that of poor, destitute andd uprooted people, but let us also examine the flip side of that image and 1 1

11 Introduction: Questions and Methods

seee what poor people do once they have a bit of money. Financial mutuals aree organised to influence what the money is used for, when it is used, and whoo benefits from it and, therefore, a study of financial mutuals allows one to understandd what pivotal role money plays in the migrants" lives. Thee severely destitute living circumstances in Cape Town did not preventt Xhosa migrants from organising financial mutuals. I will call the cir- cumstancess in which migrants lived the "threatening triad". The threatening triadd consists of, firstly, immense economic insecurity. Secondly, physical dan- gerss of domestic and political violence, and increasingly of AIDS, are part of day-to-dayy life. Thirdly, relationships with kin, neighbours, home-people (migrantss from one area in the Eastern Cape), colleagues at work, between menn and women, as well as towards Whites and Coloureds were volatile and oftenn threatened. Often it was money, more precisely the lack of it, that com- plicatedd relations. Notwithstandingg the severity of the circumstances, Xhosa migrants managedd to organise financial mutuals, while other forms of organisationsquotesdbs_dbs27.pdfusesText_33

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