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Enlightening Water. Science market & regulation of mineral waters

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Considering the dictionary's first volume reached an already lengthy 635 pages, his statement indicates just how much attention mineral waters had received by the later decades of the century. Where did this outpouring of research come from, and why did French sci- entists decide that mineral water was a subject worth lining their bookshelves with? The most immediate reason was that mineral waters had become popu- lar among a public who trusted them to perform a variety of cures. This med- ical aspect was fundamental, yet perplexing. Diderot's 2)/6/8,&0:-$$46<5764$ j$45<<6:57>$<:9H$2C9/6$9<$@9HH97$K026:Ek

This simple definition concealed

a world of complexity. While most agreed that mineral waters were naturally occurring springs with effects on the human body, understanding the compo- sition of a mineral water, and how these components might relate to their ther- apeutic properties, turned out to be a difficult endeavour. Physicians and 1 l

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iv 14 chemists pondered the problem for many decades, contributing to the growing body of works on the subject. Not all appreciated this large output. In 1781, Girard, a physician, wrote a rather bitter letter describing the state of mineral water knowledge. He claimed that despite a "deluge" of treatises on the subject, very few reached satisfac- tory scientific standards. This "enormous heap of paper" had only succeeded in leading the public deeper into ignorance. "[T]he complete history of acidu- lous and thermal waters", Girard explained, "is an ocean without a floor and without borders i n which barely a few beaches are known". Following this rather pessimistic judgment of his contemporaries, he added that only the "uni- fied ;-<=*%$9<$/6F6:01$70F5>029:/k$K9314$976$40;$@97N36:$2C5/$i5HH67/6$/60M$

Alongside others in the field,

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oF 67:9341741R:74 354e1265391E6;;165 t3>491 e1 5635754PD1ET90t6939167747MP11 15 This extensive commerce represents the second important dynamic of the period. In most historical accounts, mineral waters tend to be associated with the surge in spa town tourism of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, in parallel with the industrialisation that permitted consistent and affordable bottling.

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Yet, in the 1780s, the Paris reseller of

mineral waters could expect shipments of several thousands of pints of water every month. These numbers command attention. A mineral water could seemingly spring from anywhere, from the flat planes of Normandy to the sharp mountains of the Pyrenees, and new springs were being identified in all corners of the kingdom. It was no easy task to ship thousands of fragile, tem- perature and shock sensitive glass bottles for hundreds of miles on the backs of mules. In addition to complex logistics, this existence of this market inevi- tably implied a serious demand. This broad and previously overlooked market would itself invite further research, but there is one final dynamic that must be added to the present en- quiry. The rising interest in mineral waters quickly caught the attention of reg- ulators. While the king

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Historical

actors, in turn, attempted to manage those waters according to varying sets of interests and constraints. These actors built reputations for the waters, attached stories and tradition to their usage and created a scientific framework within which they could be understood. They also affixed a price and market value. Mineral waters therefore enabled a large array of behaviours, conceptualisa- tions, and ambitions, which reveal much about the inner functions of eight- eenth -century society. The stance adopted by my thesis is to use the waters as a lens to understand that social world, the knowledge it produced, and perhaps most of all, the interaction between the two. 1 -v

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The town of Vichy for

example was originally a Roman settlement. Other springs, like Saint-Galmier (known as Badoit after the eighteenth century), also boasted Roman origins.

The mediev

al period shows no evidence that the use of mineral waters dis- appeared . While some Roman baths faded into ruins, accounts of the contin- ued use of hot and cold springs for medical and sometimes religious purposes persisted during the Middle Ages. Water itself held an important place in med- ical practice and theory. n The early modern way of taking the waters had, how- ever, some unique features when compared with ancient and medieval prac- tices. While bathing or drinking waters were obviously immemorial practices, there was a novelty to the procedure of 'taking the waters', which entailed going to a spring in a medically supervised environment to use the waters as part of a limited-time cure. This was the habit that swept up the early modern public, and that can be directly connected to the later sensation dubbed "ther- malisme" in the nineteenth century. Àt The origins of this form of water consumption were not found in France but in Italy. As early as the thirteenth century, parts of Tuscany saw a revival of the p ractice of visiting mineral springs. Didier Boisseuil refers to this trend as a medieval form of thermalism.

The practices he describes resembled the

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1 ,v l.v 1 llv 18 water taking habits of later periods. The springs of Tuscany were visited by the affluent urban public of the early Renaissance, and an entire infrastructure was built to accommodate them. The experience of visiting the springs com- bined medical care with entertainment. This revival of water usage extended to a wider European context, as the German world also embraced the practice in the late medieval period. However, France remained "largely unmoved by the fad for the hot-spring and the mineral bath", as Laurence W. Brockliss argued.

He traces the his-

tory of mineral waters in seventeenth century France, placing the beginnings of the French interest in waters around the late sixteenth century. Because of their commitment to Galenic medicine, French court physicians were unlikely to send their rich patients to the springs. The only mineral springs which saw any attendance during the fifteenth century were situated in the Béarn, which at the time was not part of the French kingdom. Brockliss attributes the initial attention to mineral springs to the influence of Paracelsian medicine, first in the Alps, and only reaching the court around

1574, due to a reluctance to collaborate with Protestant physicians. The first

high -profile visit to a spring took place when the childless King Henri III (r. 1574
-1589) visited the spring of Bourbon Lancy in 1580 with the Queen in the hopes to find a cure for the couple's infertility. Although this did not work, and Henri was in fact the last of the Valois dynasty, the major overhaul to the facilities at Bourbon Lancy in preparation for the king's visit reinvigorated interest in the waters and their potential curative abilities.

After this, many

French springs, such as Forges, Vichy and Plombières, saw an increase in vis- itors. This rise in popularity was encouraged by repeated visits from members of the court. Esteemed guests, such as Madame de Montespan (1640-1707), Louis XIV's (r. 1643-1715) >'?,(-*$M$9<267$F5/5264$2C6$K026:/E$P32$2C5/$.02G

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lov 19 schedule of a cure. Warmer springs were used in baths and showers, preferably under the supervision of a qualified physician. For those who could afford the trip to the spring, the waters were accessible in virtually infinite quantities, which was a large part of their appeal. No other remedy could be taken for weeks on end at no further cost. But mineral waters were also criticised by some physicians, who believed the excitement over their remedial powers to be over-stated. Seventeenth-century mineral waters already had detractors and passionate defenders. These conflictual attitudes would only heighten the interest of the public in later decades.

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This was

somewhat exaggerated; not all regions were equally endowed with waters. Typically, the mountainous regions of the Alps, the Pyrenees and the Massif Central were home to a large quantity of mineral springs, while the planes of Brittany, Normandy, the Orléanais, and the Provence accounted for fewer. This uneven natural distribution was in part compensated by explorative works in natural history. During their travels, naturalists noted every spring of potentially mineral nature.

Their reports sometimes stated the hope to see

the spring they identified one day becoming a popular destination for patients. The incessant search led to the discovery of a multitude of new springs. Some were in highly impractical places. The waters of Saint Suliac for exam- ple were discovered near the ocean, in an area that was only accessible when 193

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yLen,IÀ 20 the tide was low. At high tide, the spring itself was under seawater. But since mineral springs were less common in Brittany, the discoverer of the water nevertheless took care to study it, while lamenting its lack of accessibility, and hoping that a better location could later be found.

The same author was later

made aware of a different spring in Veaugarni, also in Brittany. Upon finding out that it was also inaccessible, he recounted spending several days in the company of the owner, digging through the country in several places to find a better location to build a fountain.

Similar examples could be found through-

out the eighteenth century. The popularity of mineral waters meant that obsta- cles to their use did not always discourage the owners.

The high price of

popular springs rather encouraged them to try to rival established spas with lower costs, leading to the broad number of mineral springs found and adver- tised throughout the kingdom. What did a map of eighteenth-century mineral waters look like? There are of course many answers to this question. A map of

1700 would look very dif-

ferent from a map of 1750, 1770, and so on. The waters discovered by natu- ralists sometimes garnered little more than a single mention in a text. Others were discovered, studied, and later used by crowds of patients. The following map contains (almost) every water mentioned in the source material used throughout my thesis. The map is limited to waters that were located in the

French kingdom or sold within its borders.

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21
Figure 1.1 Map of the mineral waters found or sold within the mainland

French kingdom (1770

-1810). Map by author. This map clearly shows that the interest in mineral waters had grown past the elite-driven spa town visits of the seventeenth century. A few high-profile vis- its could not sustain such a wide number of locations, as there simply were not enough royals to travel to ninety different springs. The density of the map suggests that far from being limited to a particular location, there was a king- dom-wide interest for these remedies. The map is not exhaustive, and disproportionally represents the waters that were of interest to analysts and regulators. It can nevertheless present note- worthy trends. The map follows the geological map of France, showing a clus- ter of springs around the Massif Central and in the Alps. But it also shows economic incentives. The abundance of waters around Paris came from the high number of patients within the capital, which both encouraged naturalistic research in the region and could sustain a larger number of active springs through comme rce. Additionally, it shows that while the French public marked a preference for its national waters, German and Low Countries wa- ters also found success among the French. 22
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Whether in spas or in bottles, mineral waters were a medical product. This medical definition had several consequences. First, they were viewed as po- tent, and could therefore be dangerous if used recklessly.

For example, it was

said of the waters of Vichy that while they cured many illnesses, they were "harmful in all inflammations, in abscesses, in ulcers of the lung", as well as another eleven conditions. The second consequence of this remedial classification was social. The worlds of mineral water handlers and drink sellers rarely intersected on any meaningful level. In my enquiries, I have found very few points of contact or commonalities between mineral water merchants and the world of the limo- nadiers

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Most scientific de-

scriptions of mineral waters concluded with a list of conditions that could be cured by that spring's water. This was especially common in printed works on mineral waters. Figure 1.2 shows an example of the illnesses that were said to be cured by the waters of Bourbonne, altogether listing forty-seven kinds of ailments. 1 idv i-v

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Figure 1.2 Table of contents from M. Baudry's A('-*0":$%"$'43"#-)0('8$%":$" 62@E$
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On average, a mineral water was said to cure at least eight different ailments, and to cure them exceptionally well. 32

Some physicians worried that mineral

waters were perhaps prescribed too liberally. 33

But generally, few doubted

their efficiency altogether. The diseases cured by mineral waters were typi- cally linked to the mineral composition, albeit sometimes in a tenuous way. When describing a particular water, most authors indicated the main compo- nent of the water, with the more common ones being salt, sulphur or iron. They then indicated some medical properties, using a variety of different terms. The most common were "diuretic", meaning they facilitated the pro- duction of urine; "appetising", meaning they stimulated hunger; "tonic", al- luding to their capacity of reinvigorating various vital forces; "purgative", as in, causing the body to be purged. Other qualifiers included $@02C0:25@kM$$0725G /@3:F;k$074 $ 6H9115672kE 34
These qualities were sought after in other remedies too. Many medicinal recipes were taken specifically for their purgative effects for example. But the mineral waters usually combined several medical prop- erties . If a mineral water was both purgative and tonic, it was believed that the tonicity would manifest itself only after the body had been purged. These lay- ered effects were what made mineral waters valuable among other remedies.

Three ar

eas of physiology were specially addressed by mineral waters. The most common was the digestive system, followed by the various conditions of the skin. These two problem areas reflect the two ways of taking the waters, either by drinking, or by bathing. Drinking remedied the insides, and bathing cured the surface of the body. 35

The third most mentioned diseases were gy-

naecological in nature. Conditions related to women's fertility and disorders of m enstruation were frequently addressed by m ineral waters. 36

In so me

423
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examples, the waters were used for non-therapeutic applications. In one anal- ysis, the author mentioned that the waters, kept in a bottle, made an excellent cosmetic. 37
Those who lived close to mineral springs occasionally used them to clean and cook. However, in most cases, mineral waters were too restricted and expensive to serve other purposes than medical ones.

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before pain-relief medication, it should also be considered that any improve- ment in that regard might have been seen as beneficial, no matter how minute. So while it might be difficult to obtain precise data on the true remedial effects of early modern mineral waters, the patients and medical practitioners of the eighteenth century had discernible, and to an extent, sensible reasons to be- lieve them to be efficient. ;$5,+/)(#$+/$<)*#,'($.5,)*-$5'&)#*&.$

When studying the complexities

of the social relations that took place in Bath, the medical aspects of those waters appear almost secondary.

One could therefore wonder if similar dy-

namics took place in the French spas. By and large, this was not the case, even for the most famous resorts. Those who drank French mineral waters were primarily patients. When the rich and powerful did visit the spas, they were solely attempting to remedy what they perceived as an otherwise incurable disease. In the seventeenth century, high-profile visits had helped to put some towns on the map. During the eighteenth century, when chronicles talked about the history a spring, they often mentioned the past visits of some illustrious char-quotesdbs_dbs47.pdfusesText_47
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