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An Improbable Identification? The Netherlands as a"Reference Society"within the Chilean Educational Policy-Making

Debate (2014-2015)

Cristina Alarc?on

Humboldt-Universit€at zu Berlin

ABSTRACT

This paper investigated a policy-making debate in Chile, by examining the construction of the Netherlands as a new"reference society". It focused on a reform agenda that aimed at a transformation of the neo-liberal school governance model. Based on the analysis of government documents, par- liamentary debates, and media materials, the paper concludes that in add- ition to the consideration of PISA results the identification with the Netherlands served fundamentally as a political compromise solution.

Introduction

The discussion over the so-called"ley de inclusi?on"(inclusion law) of the center-left government of Michelle Bachelet (2014-2018) is arguably one of the most controversial policy-making debates on reform agendas Chile has seen in recent decades. The context of the debate was a very disrup- tive and critical phase of intense questioning of the education system. As a result of a massive student movement as well as international pressure, an education reform agenda was launched which, for the first time since the end of the military dictatorship (1973-1990), sought structural change in one of the most privatized, commodified, and deregulated school educational govern- ance model in the world (Verger,2014). The reformatory target of the"ley de inclusion"was the voucher-based quasi-market, which then had existed for more than 35years, specifically the subsi- dized private schools. With regard to these schools, the reform agenda aimed to end profit- making (lucro), student selection (selecci?on), and school fees (copago). Although the agenda also included the de-municipalization of public schools and free higher education, the debate on the "ley de inclusi?on"turned out to be the most controversial. In fact, a hitherto unprecedented dis- pute took place involving not only government officials, opposition parties, related think tanks, media, academics, teachers'associations, social movements, and the media, but also private schools and parents'associations. But what was new was not only the radical objective and the controversial nature of the dispute. It was also striking that the debate showed an almost compul- sive tendency towards external reference construction - from the Netherlands to Finland. Studies on the transfer of ideas, reforms, and organizational models from one context to another have experienced inflationary growth for quite some time in comparative education research (Phillips & Ochs,2003; Steiner-Khamsi,2012; Waldow,2012). What unites these studies, despite their different terminology, is a fundamental change of perspective by focusing primarily

CONTACTCristina Alarc?oncristina.alarcon@hu-berlin.deFaculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Institute of

Education Studies, History of Education, Humboldt University Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany.

?2019 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http://

creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the

original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.

EUROPEAN EDUCATION

2020, VOL. 52, NO. 1, 48-67

on national or local contexts in order to investigate the adoption and recontextualization of global models and policies by national and local actors. Based on this shift in perspective, these studies were able to address globalization hypotheses with critical evidence, such as the"world culture" theory in neo-institutionalist terms (Schriewer & Mart ?ınez,2004). Within this perspective, recent studies examine how international organizations and inter- national large-scale assessments (ILSA) such as the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) and rankings contribute significantly to the reference construction of some nations (Steiner-Khamsi & Waldow,2018; Waldow & Steiner-Khamsi,2019). Using the concept of "reference society", they specifically examine"how top scorers in ILSA are framed as"positive or negative reference societies"in the education-policy-making debate (e.g., Waldow,2010; Sellar & Lingard,2013; Steiner-Khamsi,2014; Adamson, Forestier, Morris, & Han,2017; Lingard, Martino, & Rezai-Rashti,2016; Takayama,2018). Interestingly, very few of these studies have focused on the Latin American context (e.g., Parcerisa & Verger,2019). Based on these studies, the aim of this paper is to investigate the dynamics of external reference construction in the context of controversial policy-making debates in a certain Latin American country. In particular, it will be examined how, why, and with what purpose the Netherlands was constructed as a"positive reference society"(Waldow,2017) in the Chilean context. I consider the analysis of this policy-making debate to be useful because of the following factors:

1. From athematicpoint of view, the study of the above-mentioned debate is very informative

because it highlighted a possible educational policy"way out"from the neo-liberal path that the country has been taking for almost four decades. In fact, Chile has the most radical, far- reaching and long-lasting market and competition-based education governance model in the world (Verger & Bonal,2016, 3). Numerous empirical educational studies have therefore devoted analysis to this exceptional case (e.g., McEwan & Carnoy,2000; Hsieh & Urquiola,

2006; Verger,2016). Moreover, the Chilean quasi-market model was presented during the

1990s by international organizations such as the World Bank as a prototype (West,1997) for

equivalent reform programs in other countries (Diaz Rios,2018). The analysis of this policy- making debate therefore elucidates how the former"laboratory of neo-liberalism"put"de- commodification of education"at the top of the political agenda for the first time (Verger,2014).

2. Intheoretical-methodologicalterms, this case sheds new light on the conceptual research on

external policy referencing in comparative education. It shows how controversial policy- making debates in the context of disruptive crises can instigate social identification processes with new international reference points, in this case with the Netherlands, but also with Finland. But why did the Chilean reformers prefer to turn to the Dutch education system rather than the Finnish one? Based on this case, it will be shown that, besides ILSA, local fac- tors, in particular specific power constellations, continue to play a decisive role in external reference construction. In a theoretical-methodological sense, this paper follows the so-called"externalization thesis". This refers to the reference and the selective transformation process of educational organization patterns, traditions of thought, and political trends into arguments used in domestic policy- making debates (Schriewer,1988; Schriewer,2007)."Externalization on world situations"specific- ally implies the reference to an"external point", either a national"reference society",oran "international organization, process or discourse"(Waldow,2012, 419). These reference proce-

dures basically seek to legitimize (or delegitimize) the political positions of a country, a party, or

an organization within highly contentious policy-making debates (Schriewer,1988; Waldow,

2012; Steiner-Khamsi,2014; Alarc?on,2015). In the empirical sense, this thesis demands thorough

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analyses of socio-cultural contexts in which, amid reform pressure,"reference societies"are semantically constructed. In this paper I would like to connect the term"reference society"with the psychological con- cept of"identification". The term is intended toexplainthe mechanism of reference construction. Identification refers to adopting norms, attitudes, and behaviors from a respected or admired group (Smith,2007, 835). I will distinguish between two identification modalities: identification as an operation of recognition, of putting-oneself-in-the-country (Fr

€ohlich,1994, 212), and identi-

fication as a concrete adoption (assimilation) of motives, attitudes (norms) of the"model"(Ritter,

1976, 135). The following arguments are laid out in this paper:

1. The Chilean identification process with the Netherlands followed pragmatic-strategic consid-

erations, in which PISA results were an important factor, but not the decisive one.

2. The Netherlands was used to argue for the"normalization"and"humanization"of the priva-

tized school system.

3. The"Dutch argument"ultimately served as a political compromise solution.

The empirical basis for the analysis is made up of three types of sources: government docu- ments, parliamentary debates, and print, TV, and online media. The media analysis focused on the newspaperEl Mercurio, which covers the right-wing conservative spectrum, the right-wing liberal newspaperLa Tercera, as well as, digital media,elmostrador.cl, ciper.cl,andudechile.cl, which are more likely to be assigned to a left-wing progressive field. Furthermore, the web-sites of the news broadcastersCNN Chileand24 horaswere also reviewed. First, as part of an historical examination, I will discuss the most important measures of the educational reform of the military dictatorship. Then, I will outline the discursive content of the reform agenda of President Michelle Bachelet and address the motivations, interests, and alliances of key players in the policy-making debate. In the following section I will reconstruct the"Dutch argument". To do this, several discursive motives will be identified, and I will examine what ideas and principles different actors in the policy-making debate associated with the Netherlands. After that, I will discuss the"Dutch argument"considering the educational history and tradition of the Netherlands. This will then be compared with the Chilean view of Finland, because the reference to Finland also played an important role in Chile, albeit to a much lesser extent than the Netherlands. Subsequently, I will analyze and justify the thesis of the"Dutch argument"as a pol- itical compromise solution. I close the paper with a discussion of the most important results.

An Historical Review

About 60% of all Chilean students currently attend private schools. This puts the country at the top of all OECD countries, where, on average, only 10% of students attend private schools (OECD,2014a, 5). Chile is also a leader in private education in the Latin American context (OECD,2014a, 5). However, a historical retrospective shows that the situation was almost the opposite some 40years ago. In 1980, 78% of students attended schools run by the state (Corval ?an, Elacqua, & Salazar,2009, 12). To understand this dramatic reversal, a reference to the educational reform of the military dic- tatorship is necessary. As part of this regime, a so-called"neo-liberal"restructuring was carried out. The authoritarian conditions of the dictatorship represented"ideal"laboratory conditions for this restructuring (Verger,2016). Its ideological originators were the so-called"Chicago Boys". The term"Chicago Boys"refers to their common denominator: almost all the group's members had acquired market oriented economic theories during their studies at the University of Chicago, notably those of Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, and Friedrich von Hayek (Vald ?es,

50C. ALARCÓN

1995). From the mid-1970s, this group of Chilean economists assumed positions of leadership in

the military dictatorship's ministries and planning centers. The school reform instituted a so-called"neo-liberal"governance education model based on privatization, deregulation, and commodification by the establishment of quasi-markets through decentralization, free choice of schools, and education vouchers, coupled with the introduction of national large-scale assessments. The first key element of the reform was decentralization (municipalizaci?on). The administra- tion of public schools was transferred to the municipalities (municipalidades). The traditional escuelas p ?ublicas(public schools) becameescuelasandliceos municipales, as they are still called today (Alarc ?on,2017a). The second key element was the introduction of a voucher system. Under theley de subven- ciones (subsidy law) (Decree 3476) of 1980, private and public schools received a per capita con- tribution or subsidy, according to monthly attendance (Ministerio de Hacienda,1980a). In line with Milton Friedman's voucher program, this was aimed at encouraging the creation of an edu- cation market where public and private schools would compete for parental choice (Friedman,

2005 [1962]). According to the discourse, the ensuing competition between the schools would not

only promote cost efficiency, but also the educational quality of schools in the long term. In addition to the removal of bureaucratic hurdles and the introduction of tax benefits (exen- ciones tributarias), requirements for private school owners (sostenedores) were drastically reduced (Corval ?an et al.,2009, 160). In addition, subsidized private schools could work for profit and were not accountable for the use of public funds (Bellei,2016, 233-234). Moreover, in 1988, with the introduction of the so-calledfinanciamiento compartido, subsidized private schools, which were previously fee-free, could charge school fees, but only with parental consent (Saavedra

Facusse,2013,10-11).

The third key element of the reform was that private educational provision and choice were

legally and constitutionally protected under the formula of the parental right to educate their chil-

dren. The 1980 Constitution established under the military dictatorship and, with modifications, still in force today, enshrined the parents'"right to choose"schools for their children (Ministerio del Interior,1980). In addition, the legal weight of the traditional principle oflibertad de ense- nanza(freedom of education) has been increased in favor of private school provision (Ministerio del Interior,1980). This principle refers to the right to set up and operate private schools (mostly Catholic), as well as non-governmental supervision of these schools (Toro C ?aceres,2015,44-47). A fourth key element of the program was the close link between school competition and exter- nal assessment of student achievement. In 1988 the reformers set up a national large-scale test called SIMCE (Sistema de Medici?on de la Calidad de la Educaci?on), which is still used as a quality control system for the education system (Guzm?an,1989; Benveniste,2002). The media buzz sur- rounding the annual publication of school rankings with SIMCE data has been instrumental in building a positive image of private schools. The transition to democracy took place in 1990 based on a negotiated pact which included the preservation of the institutional and constitutional framework of the dictatorship (Verger,2016). The various governments of the center-left coalitionConcertaci?on de Partidos por la Democracia attempted to mitigate the unequal effects of the"education market"through compensation pro- grams for the poor (Verger,2016). However, they left the principles of the model unchanged (Corval ?an, Carrasco, & Garc?ıa-Huidobro,2016, 44). It was precisely this exclusive compensatory logic that the governing coalition of theNueva Mayor?ıaintended to overcome, at least in a rhet- orical sense. A structural result of the reform was the extension of a specific type of private school: the sub- sidized private schools (escuelas privadas subvencionadas), which received state subsidies and thus accommodated children from the middle and lower classes. These schools should be distin- guished from thecolegios, which function largely without government support, charge school fees,

EUROPEAN EDUCATION51

and could generally be categorized as elite schools. This latter category of private schools remained untouched by the reform and they are still attended by a minority, i.e., 7%, of the total student body (Corval ?an et al.,2009, 63).

The Reform Agenda

Michelle Bachelet's educational reform agenda was part of the so-called"tres grandes reformas" (three large reforms),a reform package which, besides education, addressed areas that had remained virtually untouched since the end of the military dictatorship (1973-1990): the tax and electoral systems and the constitution. This reform package is to be interpreted as the result of the aforementioned student movement, that emerged in 2006 and reemerged in 2011 (Stromquist & Sanyal,2013; Alarc?on,2017b). As part of a broad social mobilization process, this movement branded the Chilean education system as an"apartheid system"(Asamblea Coordinadora de Estudiantes Secundarios (ACES),2012). But additional political pressure came from abroad. Several OECD studies (2004,2011a) pointed to the same inequality and segregation effects of Chilean education. For example, in 2011 the organization noted that, among all the countries par- ticipating in PISA 2009, Chile had the highest rates of social segregation in both private and pub- lic schools and significant differences in performance between socio-economically diverse students (OECD,2011a). The fact that the Andean country was the first South American member state to join the OECD in 2010 increased that external reform pressure. First of all, Bachelets'reform agenda showed clear intentions to de-commodify education. This was firstly, by defining"segregation"and"inequality", as well as the diminished"educationalquotesdbs_dbs25.pdfusesText_31

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