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Looters vs. Traitors: The Muqawama (“Resistance”) Narrative and

(ERC-2016-StG-716467). be traced back to the government and its supporters. ... “Guerre d'Algérie: 1999–2003 les accélérations de la mémoire.

1

Looters vs. Traitors: The

Muqawama

(“Resistance") Narrative, and its

Detractors, in Contemporary

Mauritania

Elemine

Ould Mohamed Baba

and Francisco

Freire

Abstract

: Since 2012, when broadcasting licenses were granted to various private television and radio stations in Mauritania, the controversy around the

Battle of Um

Tounsi (and Mauritania's colonial past more generally) has grown substantially. One of the results of this unprecedented level of media freedom has been the prop agation of views defending the Mauritanian resistance ( muqawama in Arabic) to French colonization. On the one hand, verbal and written accounts have e merged which paint certain groups and actors as French colonial power sympathiz ers. At the same time, various online publications have responded by seriously quest ioning the very existence of a structured resistance to colonization. This article, dr awing pre dominantly on local sources, highlights the importance of this controver sy in study ing the western Saharan region social model and its contemporary uses.

African Studies Review

, (2019), page 1 of 23

Elemine Ould Mohamed Baba

is Professor of History and Sociolinguistics at the University of Nouakchott, Mauritania (Ph.D. University of Provence (Ai x- Marseille I); Fulbright Scholar resident at Northwestern University 201

2-2013),

and a Senior Research Consultant at the CAPSAHARA project (ERC-2016-

StG-716467). E-mail: elemine.moustapha@gmail.com

Francisco Freire

is an Anthropologist (Ph.D. Universidade Nova de Lisboa 2009) at CRIA-NOVA FCSH (Lisbon, Portugal). He is the Principal Investigator of the European Research Council funded project CAPSAHARA: Critical Approaches to Politics, Social Activism and Islamic Militancy in the Western Saharan Region (ERC-2016-StG-716467). E-mail: freire.francisco@fcsh.unl.pt © African Studies Association, 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike l icence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permits non -commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the same

Creative

Commons licence is included and the original work is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use. doi:10.1017/asr.2019.37

2 African Studies Review

Introduction

On March 13, 1995, a commemorative plaque displayed on a monument located eighty kilometers north of Nouakchott, the capital of Mauritania was destroyed, and the names inscribed on it were erased. This plaque ha d been placed there by the colonial administration in memory of those who had lost their lives in the Battle of Um Tounsi in 1932, in which colonial troops (with the support of local military personnel) clashed with fighters from the northern boundaries of present-day Mauritania. The instigators of this destruction were the descendants of some of those who died at Um Tounsi, who claim that their intention was to erase the traces of a shame ful past, as the plaque served as a reminder that their ancestors fought alongside colonial forces (see Figure 1). This incident epitomizes the ambiguity of feel ings still evident today toward Mauritania's colonial legacy. It also illustrates the

Résumé

: Depuis 2012, année où les licences de radiodiffusion ont été accordées à diverses stations de télévision et de radio privées en Mauritan ie, la controverse autour de la bataille d'Um Tounsi et du passé colonial de la Mauritanie, plus généralement, s'est considérablement accrue. Un des résultats de ce niveau sans précédent de liberté médiatique a été la propagation de vues défendant la résistance mauritanienne (muqawama en arabe) à la colonisation française. D 'une part, des récits verbaux et écrits ont apparus dépeignant certains groupes et acteu rs comme des sympathisants du pouvoir colonial français. Parallèlement, diverses publications en ligne ont réagi en remettant sérieusement en cause l'existence même d'une résistance structurée à la colonisation. Cet article, qui s'appuie princip alement sur des sources locales, souligne l'importance de cette controverse dans l'étud e du modèle social ouest saharien et de ses utilisations contemporaines.

Resumo

: Desde 2012, quando foram concedidas licenças de transmissão a vá rias estações privadas de televisão e de rádio na Mauritânia, a controvérsia em torno da Batalha de Um Tounsi (e, mais genericamente, em torno do passado colonial da Mauritânia) tem sofrido desenvolvimentos substanciais. Uma das conse quências deste nível sem precedentes de liberdade de imprensa foi a disseminaç

ão de pontos

de vista enaltecedores da resistência mauritana (em árabe, muqawama ) contra a colonização francesa. Em contrapartida, surgiram testemunhos escri tos e orais que retratam determinados grupos e atores como sendo simpatizantes das forç as coloni ais francesas. Em simultâneo, várias publicações online têm reagido, questionando seriamente a simples existência de uma resistência organizada cont ra a colonização. Partindo de fontes predominantemente locais, o presente artigo sublinha a importância desta controvérsia para o estudo do modelo social oest e saariano, bem como dos seus usos contemporâneos. Keywords: Mauritania; resistance to colonialism; Sahara; social status; memory;

African history

(Received 8 May 2018 - Revised 14 May 2019 - Accepted 22 May 2019

Looters vs. Traitors 3

intricacy and pervasive character of this historical period, a century after the implementation of colonial rule and more than half a century after the country's independence in 1960, as the descendants of the Mauritanian participants of that colonial battle reenact this clash in the national parlia ment and in different media outlets. 1 The media freedom unleashed after the end of the long rule of President Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya (1984-2005) reached its apex in January 2012, when broadcasting licenses were granted to various private television and radio stations. 2

Since then, the controversy surrounding the

Battle of Um Tounsi (and Mauritania's colonial past more generally) has intensified substantially. One of the results of this unprecedented media freedom has been the propagation of views defending the - seemingly forgotten - Mauritanian resistance ( muqawama in Arabic) to French coloni zation. 3 Through often-virulent verbal attacks, various people have been accused of having "collaborated" with the colonial authorities. Fu rther exacerbating this tension, many television and radio stations have felt co m pelled to give air time to commentators who, in the most bitter terms, openly accused a specific region of the country and/or a particular commu nity (e.g., the Trarza/El Gibla region of southwestern Mauritania and its "religious"/ Zw ya status groups; see Figure 3) of being traitors and "lackeys" of France. This verbal aggression caused a chain reaction, giving rise t o what we term a "negationist" discourse, meaning the attempt of anti-res istance Figure 1. Um Tounsi's colonial monument 80 kilometers north of

Nouakchott (Photo by Elemine Ould Mohamed Baba)

4 African Studies Review

voices to question the commonly accepted facts and the quasi-hegemonic nature of the current "resistance narrative." Using similar media platforms (i.e., newspaper columns, social media, and web pages), voices rejecti ng the very existence of resistance to colonization started to emerge. This debate is not new in Mauritania, but the public dimension it has recently attai ned has transformed it into a de facto national debate. 4 The actors and the motives behind this current public outburst elude a precise definition. One can confidently discern, however, a state-sponsored effort to inscribe the resistance narrative in media and political agend as. The outgoing president of Mauritania, Ould Abdel Aziz, personally deliv ered speeches addressing this topic. Furthermore, the majority of those defending the muqawama as a decisive moment in the country's history can be traced back to the government and its supporters. Conversely, a large number of voices denying the existence of an effective resistance move ment in colonial Mauritania belong to the political opposition to the cu r- rent presidency of Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, who assumed office in August 2019 and who continues the agenda of Ould Abdel Aziz. Further complicating this controversy, this debate also engages with the widely known western Saharan tripartite social design (Stewart 1973). Remarkably, those supporting the resistance debate are predominantly from the northern and eastern regions of Mauritania and bear an Hass n ("warrior") social status, while those denying the significance of this debate belong mostly to Zw ya ("religious") status groups hailing from southwest ern Mauritania. Without attempting to simplistically reduce this debate to a binary social partition, which has been abundantly questioned (Bonte 1989; Cleaveland 1998; Harrison 1988:38), the inescapable presence of the Hass n/Zw ya historical rivalry reflected in the contemporary "resistance debate" must nonetheless be acknowledged. As we will later demonstrat e, while providing elements of comparison with neighboring countries and with parallel situations in Europe, the evocation of this debate remains eminently local in character and clearly tied to the historicall y deep-rooted Saharan social landscapes. 5 To the best of our knowledge, the existing body of academic discussion on this topic - the rivalry between Hass predominantly relies on historical documentation. We draw rather on other elements, analyzing, in particular, documents emanating from different media outlets such as newspapers, radio, TV shows, and social media. Our approach is important insofar as it incorporates a significant corpus of non- referenced bibliographical materials, largely published online on Maurit anian media platforms or newspapers. This methodological option effectively broadens the scope of available sources on contemporary Mauritanian debates and authors. It should also classify and validate such sources a s signif icant elements in the understanding of regional history. Our selection incor- porates the authors - often with a limited track record of published ma terials (books) - who, through their public voices (in Arabic and French), have more clearly delineated the muqawama controversy.

Looters vs. Traitors 5

The reading suggested here is less concerned with history-centered Saharan scholarly debates and more with the contemporary display and use of such argumentation, and in this respect it echoes some of the decolonizi ng knowledge debates gripping many parts of Africa and beyond. Public chal lenges to historical narratives, particularly the way that colonial lega cies are remembered, memorialized, contested, and disrupted, inform our narration of the Mauritanian debates (e.g., Mamdani 2016; Mignolo 2011; Nyamnjoh

2016). We claim, nonetheless, that Mauritanian particularities, especially the

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