[PDF] [PDF] Convergence and Divergence in Telephone Conversations: A Case

[PDF] Convergence and Divergence in Telephone Conversations: A Case

can be considered as the clearest example of speech divergence [2] The present study Both convergence and divergence are linguistic strategies whereby a 

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2 2 Speech divergence Negative attitude: Deliberate choice of the language or variety not used by the addressee: for example, the use of Arabic instead of English (p 246 – comment)

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of linguistic-prosodic-nonverbal features including speech rate, paus al Both convergence and divergence may be either upward or downward [see Giles and viewer is an example of upward convergence, and shifting to street lan-

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Convergence and Divergence in Telephone

Conversations: A Case of Persian

Anna Mirzaiyan, Vahid Parvaresh, Mahmoud Hashemian, and Masoud Saeedi

Abstract -

People usually have a telephone voice, which means they adjust their speech to fit particular situations and to blend in with other interlocutors. The question is: Do we speak differently to different people? This possibility has been suggested by social psychologists within Accommodation Theory [1]. Converging toward the speech of another person can be regarded as a polite speech strategy while choosing a language not used by the other interlocutor can be considered as the clearest example of speech divergence [2]. The present study sets out to investigate such processes in the course of everyday telephone conversations. Using Joos's [3] model of formality in spoken English, the researchers try to explore convergence to or divergence from the addressee. The results propound the actuality that lexical choice, and subsequently, patterns of style vary intriguingly in concordance with the person being addressed. Keywords - Convergence, divergence, lexical formality, speech accommodation.

I. INTRODUCTION

1 T is through conversation that we conduct the ordinary and perhaps extraordinary affairs of our lives. When we talk with one another, we are not merely communicating thoughts or information. Our relationships with others, and our sense of who we are, are generated, maintained, and managed in and through our conversations. We construct, establish, reproduce and negotiate our identities, roles and relationships in conversational interaction. In our interactions with others, we don't just talk; we also do things such as inviting, asking, blaming, greeting, advising, apologizing, complaining, or sympathizing [4]. These and other such activities are some of the primary forms of social action. They are as real, concrete, consequential and fundamental as any other form of conduct [5].

Communication Accommodation Theory (henceforth,

CAT) explains some of the reasons for change in conversation as individuals seek to emphasize or minimize the social differences between themselves and their interlocutors [6].

The assumption underlying this theory is that we

accommodate linguistically toward the speech style, accent or dialect of our interlocutors in order to gain social approval. In later refinements of the theory, paralinguistic features (such as speech rate and fluency), and nonverbal patterns Anna Mirzaiyan is with the University of Isfahan, Iran (corresponding author email: mirzaiyan.anna@gmail.com). Vahid Parvaresh is with the University of Isfahan, Iran. Mahmoud Hashemian is with Shahrekord University, Iran.

Masoud Saeedi is with Payam-e-Noor University, Iran.(such as eye-contact, body movement) were also included in

the analysis, and since then, CAT has made a more fine- grained distinction between different types of (non-) accommodation such as counter-accommodation and over-and under-accommodation within the newly adopted term Social Accommodation Theory (henceforth SAT). In this way, it focuses not only on intergroup characteristics but on interpersonal features, cultural variability, and power. The major theoretical reference for SAT/CAT scholarship is Social Identity Theory (SIT), which argues that individuals attempt to categorize the world into social groups [7]. In this vein, sociolinguists argue that when speakers seek approval in a social situation they are likely to change their speech according to that of their interlocutor's [2]. This can include, but is not limited to, choice of language, accent, dialect and even paralinguistic features used in interaction. In contrast to convergence, speakers may, however, engage in divergent speech whereby emphasizing the social distance between themselves and their interlocutors by using linguistic or even non-linguistic features. Audience design is the term Bell [8] assigns to his sociolinguistic model in which he contends that linguistic style-shifting occurs in response to one's audience. He argues that speakers adjust their speech primarily toward that of their audience to express solidarity or intimacy, or away from their audience's speech to express social distance. Both convergence and divergence are linguistic strategies whereby a member of a speech community minimizes or accentuates linguistic differences. People may, thus, converge or adapt their speech rate, the grammatical patterns, intonation and utterance length according to their addressees [2]. One important aspect of speech convergence is its dichotomous categorization. Imagine, for example, a man who intends to take part in a job interview. He might decide to speak with a more prestigious accent in order to be better perceived by the interviewer thereby practicing upward convergence. On the other hand, the owner of a small firm might shift to a less prestigious accent while communicating with his laborers in order to reduce the feelings of difference, on that account, practicing downward convergence. An important aspect of accommodation is the level of formality with which a speaker speaks in different social settings. This has been one of the most widely analyzed areas in the field of sociolinguistics bearing on the circumstances where the use of language is determined by the immediate situation of the speakers. This stylistic variation results from the fact that different people may express themselves in I International Journal of Human and Social Sciences 5:3 2010199 different ways, and that the same person may express the same idea quite differently when addressing different people. As Labov [9] noted, "the most immediate problem to be solved in the attack on sociolinguistic structure is the quantification of the dimension of style." This problem may be substantially simplified by focusing on just one aspect or dimension of style. Perhaps the most frequently mentioned of these aspects is formality. Almost everybody makes at least an intuitive distinction between formal and informal ways of expression. The Longman Dictionary of Applied Linguistics [10] defines formal speech as follows: "The type of speech used in situations when the speaker is very careful about pronunciation and choice of word and sentence structure." Although this definition gives us an idea of what a formal situation is, it does not define formal speech as such; it just offers a hypothesis of what a speaker pays attention to in certain situations. A formal style can be characterized not only by detachment, precision, and objectivity, but also rigidity and heaviness. An informal style will be more flexible, direct, and involved, but correspondingly more subjective, less accurate and less informative [11, 12]. Although style-shifting is not of main interest in the present study, it facilitates the purpose of this study which is to define situations where the level of formality varies according to varying situations. As the situations and the addressees vary, the speaker feels the need to speak in a different manner in order to maintain the social interaction. These differences are worth careful study since they are part and parcel of our everyday social life. One interesting and revealing context in which variation occurs is a person's everyday telephone conversations. Obvious as it may seem, each person has a telephone voice, i.e., he/she adapts his /her speech according to the immediate addressee. This is a flowering situation for speech accommodation with special attention to formality variation since in such a situation the face to face interaction does not exist and, thus, speakers can just hear each other. Speech has variously been categorized into different styles or modes. One widely-quoted classification belongs by Quirk et al [13], who divide language into 4 styles ranging from formal to very informal, casual and familiar over a spectrum. Not surprisingly there is little agreement as to how such spectrums should be divided. In one prominent model, Joos [3], however, elaborates on five differing styles in spoken

English:

Frozen: Printed unchanging language

Formal: One-way participation with no interruption Consultative: Two-way participation with background Casual: Used in in-group friends and acquaintances

Intimate: Non-public talk with private vocabulary

Although Joos's model is relatively old, it is usually used in studies of style-shifting. Several studies have delved into the concept of linguistic accommodation but it seems that none of them has, so far, been devoted to the investigation of this

phenomenon in telephone conversations in general and in Persian in particular. In the present study the researchers use

Joos's model to shed light on the lexical choice of a Persian speaker in his telephone conversations. This study provides further evidence of an explicit link between social situation and level of formality. Accordingly, a brief discussion of some of the recent and relevant literature on speech accommodation is in order before turning our attention to patterns of accommodation.

II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The first work on accommodation was published in 1973 when Giles [1] put under scrutiny the phenomenon of accent convergence in an interview situation. He argued that situational variation should be studied with reference to receiver characteristics and not only with reference to formality or informality of the context. In more recent versions of the theory proposed Coupland [14], the aim is to clarify the motivations underlying the speech as well as the constraints operating upon the phenomenon and their social consequences. In one of his studies, Bell [8] focused on two radio stations which shared the same recording studio and some of the same individual newsreaders. One station attracted an audience from higher socioeconomic brackets and the other, a local community station, drew a broader range of listeners. His analysis of newsreaders' speech revealed that they spoke differently based on their target audience. Bell concluded that the most plausible way to account for the variation was to posit that newscasters were attuning their speech to what they perceived to be the norms among their respective radio audiences. Some linguists [15, 16] have tried to determine the formality level of a spoken interaction by focusing on the frequency of words and grammatical forms that are viewed as either familiar or careful (e.g., vous vs. tu, the omission of the negative particle in sentence negation in French, or the frequency of the auxiliary be in English). The underlying assumption of these approaches is that formal language is characterized by some special attention to form. In another study, Coupland [14] set out to investigate whether or not people speak differently to different people. To this aim, he decided to find a situation in which one single speaker would speak to a wide range of interlocutors. Thus, he chose an assistant in a travel agency in the middle of Cardiff and asked her to participate in his study by having a microphone located in front of her counter to record the conversations. The results confirmed accommodation although Coupland was mainly interested in aspects of pronunciation.

Heylighen and Dewaele [17] proposed an empirical

measure for formality (F-score), which is based on the average degree of deixis for the most important word classes. They revealed that nouns, adjectives, articles and prepositions are more frequent in formal styles while pronouns, adverbs, verbs and interjections are more frequent in informal style. In a different study, Sarangi and Slembrouck [18] claim that although Grice's theory is apparently about conversation it has International Journal of Human and Social Sciences 5:3 2010200 a potential to account for and explain discourse in institutional contexts. However, in order to achieve this, due attention should be paid to factors of a societal kind. For the authors, this means, on the one hand, examining the correlations between participants' socioeconomic interests, their social identities, the social and situational powers they (do not) possess, and their expectations, and, on the one hand, principled forms of language use. In the most recent study, Ladegaard [19] regards resistance and non-cooperation as a discursive strategy in authentic student-teacher dialogues arguing that contrary to Grice's cooperative principle, non-cooperation and non- accommodation may be employed as the preferred discourse strategy, and that the aim of communication may be to miscommunicate rather than to communicate. He suggests that meaning in language makes sense only in the light of the social and psychological conditions under which language is produced, and that the notion of cooperation should be analyzed in terms of what people want to obtain by their communication. In his article communication accommodation theory is proposed as a more appropriate explanatory framework to achieve this end.

III. DATA

In order to gather the relevant data, a 28-year-old Iranian man was asked to record his telephone conversation during a week using his cell phone recording apparatus. He was chosen because his job as a mechanics engineer would require him to have several calls with a range of different people. He was free to exclude any conversation he thought too personal to be included in the data. Through this data gathering procedure, the researchers came to about 50 natural conversations he had conducted with different people during that week. Not surprisingly, a number of conversations were too short to have any informative data to our purpose and some others, although of a reasonable length, did not include any revealing information.

IV. DATA PRESENTATION

As mentioned above, the aim of this study was not to examine Gricean cooperation. Rather, its main objective was to study patterns of accommodation and formality in relation to different speakers on the phone. The context under which the recordings were done is natural. The study was conducted with one Persian speaker as the main subject of the study and some other addressees who triggered variations in the subject's speech. Some examples from the recorded data have been selected and will be analyzed in relation to the concept of speech accommodation. However, these examples are by no means unique. In fact, it would be more accurate to see them as examples of preferred discourse strategies constituting the norm rather than the exception in the contexts under scrutiny. Notice that in all the examples presented here, one party, namely subject (A), is kept constant and the addressees vary. All the examples will be presented in

succession without comments and will be analyzed thematically in the following section (see Appendix for

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