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THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE ENGLISH CROWN AND ITS

EMBASSY IN CONSTANTINOPLE WITH PRETENDERS TO

THE THRONE OF THE PRINCIPALITY OF MOLDAVIA

BETWEEN THE YEARS 1583 AND 1620, WITH PARTICULAR

REFERENCE TO THE PRETENDER STEFAN BOGDAN

BETWEEN 1590 AND 1612.

A PHD THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON BY LAURA JANE FENELLA COULTER, REGISTERED AS AN INTERNAL

STUDENT AT THE

SCHOOL OF SLAVONIC AND EAST EUROPEAN

STUDIES.

1

ABSTRACT

In the late sixteenth century English commerce expanded under the auspices of the Levant Company into the Ottoman Empire, which resulted in the establishment of an English Embassy at Constantinople, enabling the English Crown to pursue its aspirations as a European power. English Ambassadors involved themselves in the affairs of the

Ottoman Empire and surrounding states,

including those of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, both Ottoman vassal states. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries a number of men claiming to be the rightful rulers of these principalities sought the support of the English Crown and its Embassy in Constantinople; prominent amongst them was Stefan Bogdan. The Introduction discusses various historians' contributions to the study of ?tefan Bogdan's career. Chapter 1 examines Moldavia's relations with the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Poland. Chapters

2 and 3 describe the status and activities of the

English Embassy and its

early ambassadors. Chapter 4 deals with England's involvement with Moldavian and Wallachian pretenders prior to 9tefan Bogdan's approaches. Chapters

5, 6 and 7 examine Bogdan's aspirations, the

steps he took to achieve his goal and the reasons for his ultimate failure and considers the nature of the support accorded him by the English Crown. Chapter 8 discusses the career of Gaspar Gratiani, a former embassy employee, who was appointed Prince of Moldavia as a reward for subsequent services to the Sultan. The Conclusion discusses the preoccupations of

English diplomacy in this period as revealed by

English policies towards Moldavia. This thesis aims to describe the establishment of one of the first permanent English Embassies abroad and shed light on a difficult period in the history of what is now part of modern Romania. 2

LIST OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE

ABSTRACT

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I: The Principality of Moldavia

CHAPTER

II: The English Embassy at Constantinople

CHAPTER

III: Biographical details of four

Ambassadors to the Ottoman Empire

between 1588 and 1620.

CHAPTER IV: Early Contacts between England and

the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia.

CHAPTER V: lancu

Sasul, his son Bogdan and

leremie Movila: concerning the installation of

Princes on the Moldavian throne

in the last quarter of the sixteenth century

CHAPTER

VI: §tefan Bogdan and Henry Lello

between the years

1601 and 1606

CHAPTER VII: Stefan Bogdan and Sir Thomas Glover:

1607-1612 )

CHAPTER

VIII: Gaspar Gratiani: Dragoman

and Prince of Moldavia 1619-20

CHAPTER

IX: Conclusion

3 P 1 p2 pp 3-4 pp 5-33 pp 34-53 pp 54-106 pp 107-172 pp 173-212 pp 213-258 pp

259-300

pp 301-398 pp 399-425 pp 426-451

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.

NOTES: INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER

VI

CHAPTER VII

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX

APPENDIX I: Notes on Coins

APPENDIX II: Grand Viziers 1582-1616

APPENDIX III: Genealogy showing $tefan Bogdan's

descent from qtefan Cel Mare and his relationship to numerous other pretenders and Princes of

Moldavia

APPENDIX IV: Genealogy

of Sir Thomas Glover

APPENDIX

V: Genealogy of the Brutti and

Borisi

families

APPENDIX VI:

A map showing the Principality of

Moldavia's position in relation to

Poland, Wallachia and Transylvania

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

4 pp 452-475 pp 476-477 pp 478-482 pp 483-487 pp

487-501

pp 502-519 pp 519-524 pp 525-529 pp

530-533

pp 533-546 pp 546-549 pp

549-550

P 551 P 552 P 553 P 554 P 555 P 556 P 557

INTRODUCTION

The question of political contact between England and the principalities of

Moldavia, Wallachia and Transylvania in the early

seventeenth century is one which has received little attention from English historians since the publication of the 1621 edition of Richard Knolles' Generall Historie of the Turkes despite the existence of a wealth of primary source material in British archives. Eric Tappe has published a number of articles on such early political contacts concentrating, however, on the period after the restoration of Charles II to the English throne; he has also published a collection of documents found in British

Archives which

relate to the principalities between the years 1427 and 1601.
(1) Considerably more research has been conducted by Romanian historians on these early political, and also economic, relations, and some attention has been devoted to the question of foreign support for pretenders to the thrones of the Wallachian and Moldavian principalities, both of which were in this period vassal states of the Ottoman Empire. As the title of my thesis suggests, I intend to deal mainly with the principality of Moldavia and its relations with representatives of the English Crown, and in particular with the support accorded to one pretender: Bogdan Sasul (son of lancu Sasul) who changed his name to Bogdan in

1600. However, Wallachia's predicament was very similar to that of

Moldavia and therefore reference will be made to Wallachia's affairs for 5 purposes of comparison.

Bogdan

claimed to be a descendant of the fifteenth century Moldavian Prince, Stephen the Great Cel Mare), and spent much of his early life seeking election to the Moldavian throne through the patronage of Ottoman officials in Constantinople (Istanbul) (2) and a number of rich Venetians: he was unsuccessful because of his opponent's influence with the Sultan and spent a long time in hiding; he was even said to have taken refuge in the house of the English Ambassador Edward Barton [1588-97]. The Ottoman Sultan sought to control changes in the leadership of Moldavia and Wallachia by manipulating his right as the suzerain power to confirm the elections of their rulers before they took power. In effect the Sultan appointed these princes. In doing so he was amenable to persuasion through gifts but also to advice as to who was the most suitable candidate. Thus the patronage of those who had access to the

Sultan and upon whose

advice he relied, or who could provide the necessary cash and appropriate contacts, was eagerly sought by aspiring princes. In 1601 Bogdan visited the court of Queen Elizabeth I of England, where he received letters of recommendation to the Ottoman Sultan; the English Ambassador Henry Lello [1597-1607] was ordered to protect him and take up his case at the Ottoman Divan (the Ottoman Council of

Ministers).

Lello obeyed his orders until the pretender was thrown into an Ottoman prison in 1604. In 1606 Bogdan escaped from prison dressed as a woman and travelled the Courts of Europe seeking foreign 6 assistance to regain his father's throne. Eventually he arrived in England in the summer of 1607. He successfully petitioned King James I to grant him letters of recommendation to the Ottoman Sultan and to the new

Ambassador

in Constantinople, Sir Thomas Glover; he also received a grant of money towards his travel expenses and the promise of 10,000

French crowns to

be used as bribes at the Divan. Whilst in England, Bogdan became acquainted with Lady Arbella Stuart, the King's cousin, and conceived the idea of asking for her hand in marriage if he was elected to the Moldavian throne. In Constantinople, Sir Thomas Glover worked energetically to secure Bogdan the Sultan's nomination as Prince of Moldavia at his own expense, bribery being a useful instrument of diplomacy in Constantinople. Despite the enormous sums of money spent, the project was a failure. Glover was recalled to England in 1611 and replaced by Paul Pindar; by this time Bogdan had abandoned his hopes of ascending the Moldavian throne and converted to Islam; he was rewarded with the grant of a Pashalik (an Ottoman military province) in December 1611. Three Romanian historians have published studies of Anglo Romanian relations (3): Nicolae lorga held the view that in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries Anglo-Romanian relations were largely unco-ordinated, the result of adventurous individuals as opposed to deliberate state policy; furthermore, he argued that since wandering Moldavian and Wallachian pretenders were a feature of this period it was inevitable that Englishmen should come into contact with them. Paul 7 Cernovodeanu and Ludovic Demeny have argued that support for men such as Bogdan was part of a deliberate commercial policy by the Levant

Company and the

English Crown. Cernovodeanu has expanded upon

this view in a number of articles and a book on English commercial policy. (4) We shall return to these different interpretations later on in this introduction. The earliest surviving published account of England's entanglement with Bogdan was written by William Lithgow, a Scottish traveller, who stayed in Sir Thomas Glover's house in 1611 when §tefan Bogdan was also in residence there. (5) Lithgow's account is essentially an eulogy upon the generosity of Sir Thomas Glover whom he considered to have been ill-used by Bogdan. Glover had received the pretender into his own house when other Christian Ambassadors had refused to help him, he had maintained him at his own expense for two years and had promoted his cause at the Divan, providing him with money and all other essentials to maintain him according to his status. According to Lithgow, Bogdan's ingratitude was demonstrated when, having heard that Glover was to be replaced, he sneaked away without explanation and converted to Islam the very same morning. Lithgow commented that for all his great Dukedom (sic), Bogdan was now content with a palace and a pension.

Lithgow's version of events can

be regarded as a useful primary source because he knew Bogdan and Glover at the time of the events described; despite his disapproval of the pretender's behaviour he 8 conceded that he was a charming and friendly individual; he also provides a testimony to Glover's good character which contrasts with other descriptions of him. The fact that Lithgow considered it necessary to do this confirms other evidence which shows that there was some controversy in England about Glover's conduct of his Embassy, not only with regard to his prosecution of the King's instructions on behalf of Stefan Bogdan. Lithgow's account confirms other sources which show that Glover maintained close contact with Bogdan after his conversion to Islam. Lithgow's writings also confirm the high status of the English

Embassy

in Constantinople and the cosmopolitan nature of the Ottoman capital, but they were not intended as an historical treatise; they were merely an account of his travels. He made no attempt to discover further information about the pretender or enlarge upon the details which he reported, many of which he had probably received directly from the mouth of Sir Thomas Glover. Lithgow's book is an instructive primary source as regards Glover's reaction to

9tefan Bogdan and an

assessment of the pretender's character. A second version of Bogdan's misfortune was written by Thomas

Gainsford

in G/orie of Eng/and (6), an extremely chauvinistic publication which takes the form of a comparison of contemporary England with various other countries, their cities, forms of government and so forth, in which England invariably emerges as superior. In Gainsford's opinion,

England's

"glorie" was amply demonstrated by its Crown's support of the ''true'' Prince of Moldavia driven out of his own country by an usurper, 9 who sought help as a Protestant and received kindness and the protection of the

English Embassy at Constantinople.

According to this account Bogdan was,

as a result of either threats or corruption, removed by force from the English Embassy and imprisoned. Gainsford wrote that after his escape he went to Poland, the

Habsburg Emperor, and the King of France for

help but was rebuffed; he then returned to England where he saw the differences in the entertainment accorded to Princes between

England and other nations:

in London he was treated with the respect due to his status, given letters of recommendation to the Sultan to secure his re-establishment upon the Moldavian throne and a large sum of money granted by the Levant

Company upon the faintest hope of his success.

Such English generosity

was, in Gainsford's view, in marked contrast to the meanness of other nations and the avarice of the Turks who accepted expensive gifts upon

Bogdan's

behalf whilst treating him with contempt and scorn, setting aside petitions for his cause with excuses and eventually refusing to sponsor him as had been promised. Gainsford commented: "where is now the Turkish ostentation of supporting the innocent and distributing justice to all sorts of people?" This is an example of the kind of rabid English patriotism which regarded contempt for foreigners as an important attribute of an English gentleman, yet saw the patronage of unfortunates as the highest expression of English superiority. Since Gainsford clearly received his information second-hand, this book cannot be regarded as an important primary source from which to glean new information about the English 10 Embassy's dealings with Bogdan. Nevertheless, this source is of use for a different reason: as we shall see in this thesis, the decision of the English Crown to accord its support to Bogdan was one which had provoked considerable controversy within circles close to the Crown in England and which also provoked great interest within the wider political society in London. Gainsford's book was published in 1618, eight years after the removal of Glover as Ambassador to the Ottoman Sultan Ahmet I in an atmosphere of disgrace and recrimination; this suggests that this matter was still discussed, perhaps with regard to whether or not the

English Crown should

in future exercise its patronage in such a manner. Gainsford agreed with Lithgow's view that the patronage of

Stefan

Bogdan was motivated by generosity and the desire to assist a Protestant prince whose fortunes were at their lowest ebb. As we shall see, King

James always insisted that

he had acted from this most selfless of motives. There is a short account of Bogdan's career in Richard Knolles' Generall Historie of the Turkes (the edition of 1621). Knolles' history, first published in 1603 and updated in subsequent years, is a long and detailed history of the Ottoman Empire with a particular interest in the Empire's European wars and shows a considerable understanding of the complex system of relationships between the Ottomans, their vassals, the Tatars and the princes of Moldavia, Wallachia and Transylvania, and with the Habsburg Empire and the Kingdom of Poland. Although meagre on detail for Bogdan's early career and occasionally incorrect on certain 1 1 facts, the study of Sir Thomas Glover's patronage of 9tefan Bogdan concurs with Glover's reports preserved in the State Papers. (7) In a number of respects the book shows an accurate knowledge of the negotiations between Glover and the

Ottomans and his less than cordial

encounters with the Grand Vizier. (8)

It may have been based upon

Glover's own account of his actions

in Constantinople which he had been required to give on his return to England. In agreement with Lithgow and Gainsford, the book ascribes James I's reasons for supporting Bogdan to the following motive: "His Maiestie of Great Britaine pitying his miserable estate recommended him by his letters to

Sir Thomas Glover ... with

commandment to assist him and solicite his restitution." (9) The author places the career of 9tefan Bogdan in the context of the recent history of Moldavia and its relations with adjacent states.

He refers

to Moldavia's miserable state as being due not merely to the existence of so many princes with a claim to the throne but also to the fact that this state of affairs made the principalities: "prey to Turke, Tartarians and Polonians, all partisans to these sovereigns." (10) The author saw Bogdan's efforts to gain the Moldavian throne as part of a struggle for control of Moldavia between Poland, supporting the Movila faction, and the Ottomans. (11) He attributed Bogdan's failure to the counter-measures taken against the pretender by Constantin Movila (thequotesdbs_dbs20.pdfusesText_26