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TURNING THE TABLES: AMERICAN RESTAURANT CULTURE AND THE

RISE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS, 1880-1920

by

Andrew Peter Haley

BA, Tufts University, 1991

MA, University of Pittsburgh, 1997

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of

Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

University of Pittsburgh

2005

UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH

FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

This dissertation was presented

by

Andrew Peter Haley

It was defended on

May 26, 2005

and approved by Dr. Paula Baker, History, The Ohio State University

Co-Dissertation Director

Dr. Donna Gabaccia, History, University of Pittsburgh

Co-Dissertation Director

Dr. Richard Oestreicher, History, University of Pittsburgh Dr. Carol Stabile, Communications, University of Pittsburgh Dr. Bruce Venarde, History, University of Pittsburgh ii

© Andrew Peter Haley

iii TURNING THE TABLES: AMERICAN RESTAURANT CULTURE AND THE

RISE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS, 1880-1920

Andrew Peter Haley, PhD

University of Pittsburgh, 2005

This dissertation examines changes in restaurant dining during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era as a means of understanding the growing influence of the middle- class consumer. It is about class, consumption and culture; it is also about food and identity. In the mid-nineteenth century, restaurants served French food prepared by European chefs to elite Americans with aristocratic pretensions. "Turning the Tables" explores the subsequent transformation of aristocratic restaurants into public spaces where the middle classes could feel comfortable dining. Digging deeply into the changes restaurants underwent at the turn of the century, I argue that the struggles over restaurant culture - the battles over the French-language menu, the scientific eating movement, the celebration of cosmopolitan cuisines, the growing acceptance of unescorted women diners, the failed attempts to eliminate tipping - offer evidence that the urban middle class would play a central role in the construction of twentieth-century American culture. Economic development in the late nineteenth century created the necessary conditions for the growth of a professional and managerial class, but it was consumption that shaped these urbanites into a coherent class. Lacking the cultural capital necessary to emulate the elite, the middle class distanced themselves from an aristocratic culture they deemed too French and came to patronize restaurants - some featuring ethnic iv cuisine - that reflected their own cosmopolitan values. Ultimately, this patronage created a middle-class culture that challenged traditional notions of public dining. Taking issue with cultural theorists who argue that class hierarchies are unassailable, I contend that the collective purchasing power of the middle class effected a cultural coup that changed future generations understanding of national identity, gender and ethnicity. The emergence of a middle-class consuming public had far-reaching ramifications. Not only did the middle classes demonstrate their agency in choosing to patronize restaurants that catered to their tastes, but they also established an institutional basis for asserting their cultural influence. In the nineteenth century, the middle classes imitated the rich; in the twentieth century, the middle classes became the nation's cultural arbiters. v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

.........................ix NOTE ON LANGUAGE AND PUNCTUATION............................................................xi

Chapter 1: "The true status of a nation's civilization": An Introduction............................1

From Producers to Consumers........................................................................ ................2 The Importance of Culture........................................................................ ......................5 Understanding Culture........................................................................ ............................8

Culture and Consumption as Class........................................................................

.......12 Locating Restaurants........................................................................ .............................19 The Story........................................................................ Chapter 2: "Terrapin à la Maryland": The Era of the Aristocratic Restaurant.................26 An American Aristocracy........................................................................ .....................27

The French Aristocratic Restaurant........................................................................

......31

Conclusions: Social Darwinism and Cultural Capital..................................................55

Chapter 3: Playing at "Make Believe": The Failure of Imitation.....................................63

The New Middle Classes........................................................................ ......................65

Cult and Culture of Imitation........................................................................

................72

"Ordinary Mortals": The Failure of Imitation..............................................................83

The Middle Classes Speak........................................................................ ....................94 Chapter 4: "Roast meats, 15 cents; all sorts of vegetables, 5 cents": The Rise of the Middle-Class Restaurant........................................................................ .........................108 Middle-Class Restaurants........................................................................ ...................112 "American" Restaurants........................................................................ ......................119 An Economic Revolution........................................................................ ....................129 Chapter 5: "Taste it once you will not be disturbed by the smell": Colonizing the Ethnic Foreign Food........................................................................ The Inexpensive Dinner........................................................................ ......................146 A Middle-Class Institution........................................................................ ..................153 Culinary Adventurism........................................................................ .........................159 The Restauration........................................................................ .................................162 Chapter 6: A Protest against Gastronomic Ostentation: Middle-Class Agency and the

Transformation of the Aristocratic Restaurant...............................................................173

New Scale, New Economies........................................................................ ...............177

Simplifying the Aristocratic Menu........................................................................

.....179 Beyond the French Dinner........................................................................ ..................190

Changing the Language of Dining........................................................................

......204 vi Chapter 7: Deaf, Dumb and Blind: Democratizing Restaurant Service.........................222 The Tipping Evil........................................................................ .................................227 Technological Utopias........................................................................ ........................236 Chapter 8: Satisfying their Hunger: Women, Respectability and the Democracy of Dining Nineteenth-century Aristocratic Restaurants and Women..........................................257 Middle-Class Women........................................................................ .........................285 Chapter 9: "Indifferent Gullets": Making Sense of the Middle-Class Restaurant - a Making Sense of the Transformation in Restaurant Dining.......................................322 ...................................331 vii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Delmonico's 1908 (Hecla Iron Works, New York Public Library Digital Figure 2: "Two Things Interfere With the Enjoyment of Food, Too Much Money and Too

Little," 1913 (New York Times)........................................................................

....................96 Figure 3: "Why the Public Restaurants are So Popular," 1913 (New York Times Sunday Figure 4: Walter Brown, "Our Artist's Dream of the Centennial Restaurants," 1876 (Harper's Weekly)........................................................................

Figure 5: "Supposedly Foreign Restaurants," 1913 (New York Times)......................................158

Figure 6: La Salle Hotel, 1909 (Library of Congress)................................................................199

Figure 7: J. F. Daschner, "Automatic Table Service Apparatus," 1917 (U.S. Patent

Figure 8: "During Shopping Hours," 1904 (New York Times)...................................................267

viii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Few endeavors are wholly the work of one person; this dissertation is not an exception. I have liberally drawn on the wisdom of those kind enough to give their time, attention and intellectual prowess. Many years ago, I shared with Dr. Paula Baker, then at the University of Pittsburgh, a crazy idea I had after viewing Martin Scorsese's Age of Innocence that public dining might be a vehicle for looking at class relations. Whimsical ideas wither if not nurtured and Paula not only endorsed the project, but helped me to develop a philosophical and practical approach to studying public culture. Paula eventually moved to Ohio State University, but she continued to set the tone for the project. Meanwhile, Dr. Donna Gabaccia joined the faculty at the University of Pittsburgh. Donna's support has been essential. As a notable culinary scholar, she brought a considerable wealth of knowledge about food history. With her advice, chapters were reorganized, arguments were expanded, and the project grew from a few disparate chapters to a coherent thesis. Donna shepherded the project to its conclusion while initiating me into the historical profession and for that I am grateful. The three additional members of my dissertation committee were no less involved in the shaping of the final work. They read chapters, offered advice and then patiently reread chapters. Dr. Carol Stabile from the Department of Communications at the University of Pittsburgh not only taught me everything I know about cultural theory, but worked hard to ensure that the dissertation had theoretical underpinnings in cultural studies. Dr. Dick Oestreicher held the argument to a high standard of proof, demanding (rightly so) a statistical basis for claims and a consistent model of class. Dr. Bruce Vernarde served as the behind-the-scene coordinator, spiritual advisor, and the voice of reasoned perspective throughout the project. Collectively they challenged me to look more deeply and more thoroughly at how Americans have experienced class. My exploration was made easier by a host of others: scholars who have written on food, librarians who have, in recent years, made a wealth of materials available online, countless interlibrary loan professionals (most notably the marvelous staff at Hillman Library at the University of Pittsburgh). I am particularly indebted to the librarians at the University of Pittsburgh, Harvard University, the New York Public Library (and the volunteers who have given their time to organize the menu collection), the Boston Public Library, the Carnegie Libraries of Pittsburgh and the Library of Congress. I am also indebted to those who provided funding for me to do research and to write the dissertation. With gratitude I want to acknowledge the Andrew Mellon Predoctoral Fellowship, the Cultural Studies Predoctoral Fellowship at the University of Pittsburgh and the Samuel Hay's Summer Travel Grant. Additional support came from the Department of History and the Center for Instructional Development & Distance

Education at the University of Pittsburgh.

Some of my warmest thanks must be reserved for those whose help was the most informal. Scott Giltner, now a faculty member at Culver-Stockton College in Missouri, paced me and pushed me. Craig Marin, currently at the University of Pittsburgh, provided invaluable guidance on both style and substance. Laura Bier, my closest friend ix and a remarkable scholar who now teaches at Georgia Tech, debated my all too quirky ideas on class, culture and capitalism, and constantly reminded me, with characteristic grace, that the facts don't always speak for themselves. But no one has suffered more for this dissertation than Danielle Sypher-Haley, my spouse and most ardent advisor. As an accomplished chef, she financially supported my work and intellectually nourished it. As a gifted writer, she has served as my tutor and editor. As a brilliant thinker, she has helped me to refine the ideas that underlie this study. I recall, during my first year of graduate school when money was scarce, Danielle and I would occasionally treat ourselves to an expensive espresso or cappuccino at one of Pittsburgh's coffee roasters. When asked to explain the luxury, Danielle argued that we were not purchasing coffee but reaffirming class. "Just because we don't have the money doesn't mean we aren't the type of people who drink cappuccino." It is now ten years later and I have not formulated a more succinct theoretical explanation of class and consumption than she, to use a bit of restaurant slang, produced "on the fly." Most of my friends and advisors will have a chance to read this work. One will not. To Chris S. Caforio (1969-2004), whose spirit remains unbound, this work is dedicated. x

NOTE ON LANGUAGE AND PUNCTUATION

The use of foreign terms in the United States during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was extremely imprecise. Menus regularly contained misspellings and accents were misplaced; primitive typefaces used in some menus and in newspapers often did not accommodate correct punctuation. No effort has been made to correct these irregularities and all spellings are from the original. To reduce clutter, the names of menu items have been italicized and have not been placed in quotation marks. Unless noted otherwise, italicized dishes (both English and foreign- language) should be considered as direct quotes from sources and have been cited accordingly. xi

PROLOGUE

In 1936, the Ohio Society of New York reenacted a banquet first held at Delmonico's fifty years earlier. The Society's banquet was intended to be a faithful reproduction of the original fête featuring multiple courses of French cuisine. But the twentieth-century dinner differed from its nineteenth-century prototype. The "leisurely affair" of 1886 could not be reconciled with the modern requirements of radio-broadcasted banquet speeches so the food was served earlier. Two courses were eliminated, only one soup was offered, and the elaborate dessert pastries of 1886 were "telescoped into the dual items of fancy ice cream and little cakes." 1 But the most significant change was in the language of the menu; since modern middle- class diners could not be expected to understand a French-language menu typical of an elite nineteenth-century restaurant, the menu was in English. As a local newspaper reported it: "The oysters, soup, fish and duckling of the old menu all came out from behind their linguistic disguises." 2 The Ohio Society's decision to accommodate its largely middle-class guest list by simplifying the menu, eliminating courses and substituting English for French acknowledged the death of the aristocratic restaurant with its European trappings and marked the cultural ascendance of the American middle class. In 1886, when the original dinner was held at Delmonico's, restaurants were urban enclaves of the American aristocracy. While no establishment embodied the tradition of the "expensive and aristocratic restaurant" as staunchly and completely as Delmonico's - the pinnacle of fine dining in America since it opened in the

1830s - influential restaurants throughout the United States catered to wealthy Americans'

1 Catherine Mackensie, "From Kitchen to Banquet Tables," New York Times, 16 February 1936, VII16. 2 Ibid. xii insatiable appetite for French food and luxurious surroundings. 3

Employing French chefs to

cook French dishes with French names, elite restaurants celebrated a deep-rooted mythic tradition that traced the origin of the restaurant to Bourbon kings and flattered the aristocratic pretensions of wealthy diners. When, in the twentieth century, elite restaurants replaced French dishes with cosmopolitan and American dishes, French-language menus with English, and elaborate courses with the plate dinner, they substituted a middle-class market democracy for the nineteenth century's aristocratic conventions. Middle-class restaurant-goers, once excluded, were now embraced by restaurateurs eager to cater to the mass purchasing power of the burgeoning middle classes and, as this middle-class patronage was cultivated, the restaurant was transformed. By the 1920s, Delmonico's had closed, dinner jackets were passé, French cuisine was considered by many a snobbish luxury, and the French-language menu was as likely to trigger impatience as respect. The modern restaurant patron, observed restaurateur Alice Foote MacDougall in 1929, may "go at times to the hotel de luxe" for a French meal but prefers restaurants that offer "home conditions and home produce." 4 The cultural ascendance of the modern American middle-class diner is a twentieth- century phenomenon. Following the Civil War, the embryonic white-collared middle classes looked to the nation's wealthiest families as social role models, embracing the rules propagated by the upper-class authors of etiquette guides. 5

But the era of imitation was short-lived and

when the middle classes abandoned aristocratic institutions, they discovered that their collective 3

George G. Foster and Stuart M. Blumin, New York by Gas-Light and Other Urban Sketches (Berkeley: University

of California Press, 1990), 219. 4

Alice Foote MacDougall, The Secret of Successful Restaurants (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1929), 127.

5

John F. Kasson, Rudeness & Civility: Manners in Nineteenth-Century Urban America (New York: Hill and Wang,

1990); Susan Williams and Margaret Woodbury Strong Museum., Savory Suppers & Fashionable Feasts: Dining in

Victorian America, 1st ed. (New York: Pantheon Books in association with the Margaret Woodbury Strong

Museum, 1985).

xiii wealth commanded the respect of the turn-of-the-century urban entrepreneur whether it be the small immigrant restaurateur or a leading hotelier. Successful restaurants, shops and entertainments chased middle-class dollars, accommodated middle-class tastes and reinforced the middle classes' sense of their own public identity. By 1920, as one contemporary observer noted, the middle classes were "the dominant social body" in America, determining the contours of American culture. 6 This dissertation traces the middle classes' growing independence and influence at the turn of the century as it manifest itself in the development of a modern American restaurant culture. 6 Gilbert Seldes, "Bourgeois Not Meant as Term of Contempt," Denton Journal, 17 December 1927, 1. xiv Chapter 1: "THE TRUE STATUS OF A NATION'S CIVILIZATION": AN INTRODUCTION

From time immemorial, "breaking

bread" together has been a sign sacred to hospitality and friendship. While one is about it there is surely no harm in breaking a little turkey and perhaps a dish or two of ice cream at the same time. It is unfortunate that history deals almost entirely with the so-called large events of life leaving the social pleasures to the imagination of posterity. . . . No man should aspire to be an historian until he has first served an apprenticeship as an editor and learned what people really care to read. Whether we discuss the immortality of the soul or a fricasseed chicken, the difference is in degree, not in kind; the one sharpens the appetite, the other promotes sociability. The true status of a nation's civilization will be found in its entertaining qualities, rather than in wars and diplomacy. What a man or woman or nation does in the leisure hours is the test. 1

Charles P. Burton, 1897

Charles P. Burton overstated his case; wars and diplomacy played a greater role in twentieth century America than Burton, or anyone in 1897, could have imagined. World Wars I and II, the Cold War and Vietnam, tragically challenged the most basic values of American civilization. But Burton was not all wrong. Fricasseed chicken has mattered as well. As an old middle class of producers and professionals gave way to new middle classes of white-collar workers in the closing decades of the nineteenth century, the emergent middle classes - finding little unity in their relationship to work - constructed class identities from the purchase of the surplus goods and services that the new economy provided in abundance.

Opposing the aristocratic pretensions of the past, the middle classes crafted their leisure and their

shopping into a quest for self-discovery and self-promotion, exploiting the burgeoning 1 Charles P. Burton, "Social Side of Eating," What to Eat, March 1897, 169. commercial culture, as Katherine Grier has observed, to "move symbolic values throughout the culture." 2 What one ate and where one ate became marks of distinction, defining the boundaries of what it meant to be middle class. "Turning the Tables: American Restaurant Culture and the Rise of the Middle Class,

1880-1920" is about class, consumption and culture. In the cuisine, service and décor of the

restaurant, the middle class revealed the contours of a new class identity which would become an increasingly coherent and effective force for change. The story is set in restaurants, for restaurants offer an unusually revealing glance at the emergence of the modern middle class, but it is not about restaurants. The transformation of public dining from 1870 to 1920 mirrors the development of the middle class. Studying the lived life of the middle class reveals the power and agency of this class, and suggests the importance of the middle class's mastery in the framing of American culture in the twentieth century.

FROM PRODUCERS TO CONSUMERS

For the middle class at the turn of the century, income and occupation were significant but uncertain indicators of social status. Rapid economic expansion following the American Civil War eviscerated the nineteenth-century middle class's producer ethic and the new economy of abundance guaranteed that the culture of consumption would have a growing role in the middle class's collective identity. Always a factor in the development of the middle classes, culture became the determining factor in the twentieth century. Following the Civil War, the United States underwent a phenomenal economic expansion. Despite brief if sometime severe recessions, the nation's prosperity grew. The rise of 2

Katherine C. Grier, Culture & Comfort: Parlor Making and Middle-Class Identity, 1850-1930 (Washington, D.C.:

Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997), 9.

2 big business, organizational consolidation, technological innovation and government investments in transportation spurred new capital investments in commercial enterprises. Richard Ohmann estimates that manufacturing capital increased tenfold from 1859 to 1899, actually doubling in the 1880s. 3 New capital and new technology meant more production, a greater variety of goods and lower prices. A man's plain wool suit advertised for $8.00 in 1875; in 1911, with productivity increases matching inflation, a more elaborate three piece, olive striped worsted wool suit could be purchased for $7.98. 4 Burgeoning big business - one percent of the corporations in America in the late nineteenth century controlled nearly thirty-three percent of production - and lower prices decimated the early nineteenth-century American middle class. Until the Civil War, small-scale, self-employed producers, retailers, professionals and skilled workers constituted the backbone of the middle class. These non-manual urban businessmen, as Stuart Blumin argues in The Emergence of the Middle Class, forged local identities around their experiences of work and the interpersonal contacts of a small business community. 5

Economic consolidation and the rise of

national business monopolies threatened these traditional business relationships. Although the actual decline in small-scale business was not great, mass production lowered prices and profits, and eroded the status of local entrepreneurs as well as the status of the professionals who provided legal, clerical and other institutional supports. While some middle-class merchants and retailers responded to the new challenges by investing in technology and expanding their enterprises - and a few became millionaires - most lost customers, profits and status. 3

Richard M. Ohmann, Selling Culture: Magazines, Markets, and Class at the Turn of the Century (London: Verso,

1996), 51.

4

Scott Derks, The Value of a Dollar: Prices and Incomes in the United States, 1860-1999, 2nd ed. (Lakeville, CT:

Grey House, 1999), 22, 131. See also Susan Strasser, Satisfaction Guaranteed: The Making of the American Mass

Market, 1st ed. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), 6. 5

Stuart M. Blumin, The Emergence of the Middle Class: Social Experience in the American City, 1760-1900,

Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Modern History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). 3 As their businesses failed, the nineteenth-century middle class's civic and community presence faltered. The nineteenth-century middle class of small merchants, factory owners and retailers drew its public authority from its occupational roles. John Gilkeson, looking closely at Providence, Rhode Island, argues that a "producer's morality" invigorated the middle class shaping civic participation, building political coalitions and influencing leisure activities during the middle third of the nineteenth century. However, the rapid growth of mass production, distribution and marketing, as Gilkeson discovered, challenged the local bonds forged around a producer identity. In the post Civil War era, the middle class - "no longer coextensive with the producer's community" - "fell victim to segmentation" and the once "inclusive civic culture also fragmented." 6 For a beleaguered old middle class, cultural expressions of middle-class identity took on greater importance. Historians of the middle class have mapped the growing importance of consumer goods, genteel manners and domestic rituals in bolstering the middle class's sense of its own identity. 7 As devastating as the economic upheaval was for the old middle class, it proved a boon for a new group of middle-income managers and professionals. Industrial development and commercial expansion required organizational minions: white-collar clerks, managers, salespeople, lawyers and advertising executives. The rise of the white-collar labor force further marginalized the old middle class and obscured the American middle class's relationship to the producer ethic. 8

The new middle class

6

John S. Gilkeson, Middle-Class Providence, 1820-1940 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 301;

Clarence Dickinson Long and National Bureau of Economic Research, Wages and Earnings in the United States,

1860-1890 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960), 353.

7

On consumer goods, see Bushman, The Refinement of America. On manners and mores, see Karen Halttunen,

Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870, Yale Historical

Publications. V.129 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982). and Kasson, Rudeness & Civility. On domestic

rituals, see Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865,

Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Modern History (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

8

Blumin, The Emergence of the Middle Class, 291.

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