[PDF] CONSTRUCTIONSOFTHEALGERIANWAR APPELÉSINFRENCH



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Des appelés, des armes et des femmes: lapprentissage de la

quarante-quatre jeunes appelés du contingent, âgés de 18 à 22 ans, originaires de toutes catégories sociales, et ayant au moins six mois d'ancienneté dans N Q F 1997 Vol 18,n°s3-4



DePaul University DePaul University, Chicago

appelés du contingent ti recoi- vent une formation militaire cle base de cinq mois avant d 8être affectés dans les différentest sont logé3; habil'lés, ee perçoivent prêt dans des conditions fizées par une instruction paTticu1ière du Mini stre Chard des Forces Arméeg ARTICLE 4 ALI cours dé' service, -certaing de ces personnel $ , en



AVOIR 20 ANS À VERDUN EN 1964 50 ANS APRÈS, RESTER UN

nos amis communs, appelé du contingent, Michel Heurtier Avec le recul, en accord avec les remarques de René Latapie, nous sommes frappés par le rôle important joué par les appelés du contingent notamment les sergents et les caporaux Récemment la rencontre avec un colonel ayant servi pendant cette période m¶a



Hibakusha worldwide - NUCLEAR-RISKS

2 “Quand les appelés du contingent servaient de cobayes ” Le Parisien, February 16, 2010



La guerre froide, de la bipolarisation à la détente

et diviser la société, notamment par l’envoi d’appelés du contingent (jeunes français civils qui font leur service militaire) et par la pratique de la torture En 1962, un référendum aboutit à l’indépendance de l’Algérie Des indépendances négociées : le Maroc et la Tunisie accèdent à l’indépendance en 1956 En Afrique



Cie Action d’Espace Dossier de Presse Les fils des hommes

Appelés du contingent, harkis, pieds-noirs, militants du FLN, beaucoup se sont tus après la guerre d'Algérie Aujourd'hui encore, peu d'hommes en parlent des deux côtés de la Méditerranée Pourtant, la mémoire de cette tragédie pèse toujours, autant que le cube rouge



VIOLENCE EN MILIEU SCOLAIRE - snesedu

• 1 200 appelés du contingent, • création de postes de personnels de santé, • création officielle des classes relais Plan Allègre – Novembre 1997 • 15 chefs d’établissement adjoints, 73 CPE, 45 médecins, 120 infirmières, 128 assistantes sociales, 4 728 aides-éducateurs, 173 appelés du contingent



Expérimentations Quand les appelés jouaient les cobayes du

Quand les appelés jouaient les cobayes du nucléaire Par LEXPRESS et, publié le 16/02/2010 à 08:39 Essai nucléaire sur l'atoll de Mururoa en 1971 AFP PHOTO Un rapport militaire révélé par Le Parisien confirme l'exposition d'appelés du contingent aux essais nucléaires français dans le Sahara algérien, dans les années 1960



Le rôle du service national dans linsertion des jeunes

tiers des appelés du contingent n'y ont pas eu accès L'amélioration du statut de l'emploi immédiatement après le service national ne semble pas liée directement à ces ressources éducatives



CONSTRUCTIONSOFTHEALGERIANWAR APPELÉSINFRENCH

ii SUMMARYOFTHESIS The Algerian War (1954-62) has been recognised by historians, sociologists and cultural theorists as one of the most divisive episodes in recent French history

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ii ThhtReCAoCEnsT4TC The Algerian War (1954-62) has been recognised by historians, sociologists and cultural theorists as one of the most divisive episodes in recent French history. Yet the historiography of the conflict is marked by periods when the war was broadly absent from th e national memo rial sphere, contrastin g against others where violent memories of the conflict ha ve coalesced around is sues suc h as immigration, torture, and historical education. This thesis articulates how these and other social frameworks ha ve influenced the cultu ral memory of the 1.2 million Frenc h military service conscr ipts, or appelés, who served during the Algerian War. Taking a quantitative and qualitative approach , infor med by a Halbwachsian model of collective memory fo rmation, a nd interdiscip linary readings on the social frameworks of Algerian War memory in France, this thesis thus outlines a historiography of constructions of the appelés in French cultural memory, which pays due attention to t he medium in which t hat memory is constructed. Beginning with an overview of a wide corpus of appelé cultural memories from five media, through dialog ue with histo rical, cultural and sociologica l literature about the conscripts and models of Algerian War memory, the thesis develops an appelé specific phasing of cultural memory. The thesis then advances four case studies which each examine constructions of the appelés in a distinct medium, and situates them within the appropriate phase in the evolution of appelé cultural memory. These studies consider the construction of the appelés in: firstly, television news magazine Cinq colonnes à la une (1959-60); secondly, two prose texts, Philippe Labro's Des Feux Ma ls Éteints (1967) and Noël Favrelièr e's Le Déserteur (1973); thirdly, Marc Garanger's photo album La Guerre d'Algérie vue par un appelé du contingent (1984); and finally, three sets of t exts drawn from contemporary online digital media.

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viii KsHrtRtE4APA This work has not been submitted in substance for any other degree or award at this or any other univ ersity or pla ce of learning, nor is being submitted concurrently in candidature for any degree or other award. Signed: (Iain J. Mossman, Candidate) Date: CTEtEshsPECOCThis thesis is being submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD. Signed: (Iain J. Mossman, Candidate) Date: CTEtEshsPECLCThis thesis is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by explicit references. The views expressed are my own. Signed: (Iain J. Mossman, Candidate) Date: CTEtEshsPECPCI hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed: (Iain J. Mossman, Candidate) Date:

ix tHaPAcrsKushsPETCThis much I know, I wo uld never hav e taken this project this far withou t the support of Claire Gorrara and Rachael Langford. I know I will miss our supervision meetings: they challenged me, they inspired me, and this thesis is stronger because of you both. As am I. Matt and Rob, thanks for sharing the ups and downs with me, and best of luck wherever life takes you. To the myriad other PhD students I've crossed paths with, thank you also. It can be a lonely journey, but I know now, with just a few moments hindsight that it's the friendships you remember and not the solitude. I know Cardiff University has been kind to me too. EUROP, thanks for having me, trusting in me, funding me, and I hope I gave back as much as I received. This project was supported generously by the AHRC, to whom I also send my thanks. To the UGC, thanks for the many opportunities and sharing a home with me, and thanks also to my friends in the Grad Centre, and the Students' Union. My academic journey began in Leeds, and I know now how grateful I am for the encouragement of Andy Stafford and Nina Wardleworth, as well as my entire Masters cohort, who all helped bring this project about in their own little way. Space begins to elude me and there are others whose friendship, guidance and input I must recognise. Iain, Jon, Chris, Ben: I'll soon be returning to the real world! To the Stephens family: thanks for taking me in and prodding me in the right directions, there's lots of Moss-love coming your way. To all my friends from in and out of Cardiff, thanks for providing the breaks from 'thesis guilt'! I am forever indebted for the lifelong investments my parents have made in me and for their time, support and love. Thank you seems too easy, I love you seems too trite, but I cannot find any better words. Georgia, than ks for your patience, thanks for your joy. I know I've been impossible sometimes, but I know also that this would mean nothing without you.

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1

CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Constructions of the Algerian War

appelés in French Cultural Memory 2

SECTION 1: SILENCE AND THE APPEL...S

If there were to be one word recognised as uniting the experiences of the French military service conscripts of the Algerian War, then it would likely be silence. It is a term that permeates many cultural representations of the conscripts, contrasting called up. The experience of being sent (or in some cases recalled) to serve overseas for up to twenty-seven months, as young men aged twenty, is not one we might intuitively associate with silence; yet it is a direct and indirect part of every testimony, and it appears to encapsulate the relative lack of interest the academe has invested in this group of actors in the Algerian War: for they have remained, until recently, silent. A sense of silencefeeds into a number of the expressions commonly associated with the Algerian War: Bernard Sigg, named his book on the quite directly, /HVLOHQFHHWODKRQWHQpYURVHVGHODJXHUUHG·$OJpULH.1Bertrand Tavernier and Patrick Rotman·V 1EE2 film, , highlighted in its title the inherent silence of a conflict that (at that point) had not been officially recognised with a name by the French Government.2 And %HQÓMPLQ 6PRUM·V IUHTXHQPO\ ŃLPHG

1991 work, /D*DQJUqQHHWO·RXEOLcharacterised the French and Algerian responses

to the conflict as a gangrenous process of selective forgetting, the silenceof amnesia.3 These metaphors and invocations of silence suggest the existence of a rich seam of repressed, traumatic narratives, waiting to be recognised, catalogued and understood. As testimonies, personal documents and fictional narratives of the war have emerged, this silence,during years of collective French indifference to the

Messidor/...ditions sociales, 1989).

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