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which was founded in 2008 by Fouad Ali El Himma, a close friend and adviser to King Mohammed VI and whose dislike of the Islamists is well known When Mohammed VI ascended to the throne in 1999, he inherited from his father, Hassan II, a system that generates and exploits unruly party poli-

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MOROCCO - IREX

Authenticity and Modernity (PAM), founded by Fouad Ali El himma—a friend of the king—swept the local elections as well as took the lead in the second chamber of the Moroccan parliament PAM’s win prompted political figures to abandon their parties and join the new party in droves, to take advantage of PAM’s

The “February 20” Movement - POMED

and Fouad Ali El Himma, personal friend of the King and founder, in 2008, of a political party, which, with the help and support of the State and the justice system, became the largest party in the kingdom The slogans also called for the resignation of the current Prime Minister, Abbas El Fassi, which family

KAS Democracy Report 2009

support of the newly founded party of the former deputy minister of the interior, fouad Ali el Himma, which actually recently withdrew its support of the government The state powers and the division between them are as follows: ecutive power: As mentioned above, the king has the executive power in the political system ex of rocco

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MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 200934

MOROCCO

The panelists expressed no surprise that something as insignificant as a poll carried out by the French-language magazines

TelQuel and Nichane in July

2009, surveying the public"s views on the monarch"s 10 years of rule, led police

to raid their printer and destroy 100,000 magazine copies. 35

INTRODUCTION

MOROCCO

T The 2009 MSI panel for Morocco documented a decline among media sustaina bility indicators. The overall average slipped two-tenths of a point in the tenth anniversary year of K ing Mohammed V

I"s accession

to the throne. King Mohammed V

I—who succeeded his father

H assan II on July 29, 1999—is the highest authority in Morocco. In keeping with his title as commander of the fait hful, his authority is supreme, and he is accountable to no one.

The Ministry of Interior and the state"s security services play crucial roles in controlling politics and the e

ntry of political players to the field through elections, and they control th e public media as well as a major part of the independent media. Even so, the king and his circle seem to grasp that he cannot rely on the old-style parties to protect his throne—those factions have weakened with age, have lost touch with the people, and strain to compete with the growing strength of the younger I slamic parties. Consequently, the king"s supporters place him in the vanguard of the economic and social develo pment meant to counteract the social degradation that fostered the sort of extremism seen in the 2

003 Casablanca terrorist attacks.

The king endorses publicly building a modern and democratic society. In reality, his critics charge, he

suppresses and weakens opposition parties and forges alliances that leav e political clients beholden to the

monarchy. In 2009, local elections further dimmed prospects for democratic development. The Party for

Authenticity and Modernity (PAM), founded by Fouad Ali El H imma—a friend of the king—swept the local elections as well as took the lead in the second chamber of the Moroccan parliament. PAM"s win prompted

political figures to abandon their parties and join the new party in droves, to take advantage of PAM"s

influence and protect their interests. The panelists expressed no surprise that something as insignificant as a poll carried out by the French-language

magazines TelQuel and Nichane in July 2009, surveying the public"s views on the monarch"s 10 years of rule,

led police to raid their printer and destroy 100,000 magazine copies. Th e police acted on the pretext that

merely evaluating the king"s work smears the monarchy"s reputation. Another disturbing development is

the disappearance of some of the major independent platforms—including Le Journal Hebdomadaire (“The

weekly Journal "), which criticized the monarchy"s authority and control over vital economic sectors. The panelists returned lower scores for all five MSI objectives this yea r. A report by the National Trade Union of the Moroccan Press (known by its French acronym, SNPM) covering May

2009 to May 2010, backs the

panel"s negative assessment. The SNPM assessment was based on indicators estab lished by UNESCO 1 and

found that adverse trends observed in previous years have intensified alarmingly—clearly threatening all

progress made in the field of journalism and the media. 1 Media Development Indicators: A framework for evaluating the development of the media,

Intergovernmental Council of the

International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC), t wenty-sixth session, March 26-28, 2008, UNESCO reference no. CI/COM/2008/PI/3. M O

R OCCO

OVERALL

SCORE:

1.78

MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 200936

2.10 1.70 1.93 2.00 2.08 2.07 2.07 2.00 2.06 2.19 1.80 2.00 2.12 1.80 2.19 1.90 1.72 1.52 1.82 1.85 2.02 1.93 2.06 1.74 1.97 1.75 1.93 1.76 1.91 1.70 2.23 2.22 2.29 1.98

2006-07

2006-07

2006-07

2006-07

2006-072008

2008
2008
2008

20082009

2009
2009
2009

20092005

2005
2005
2005
2005

MOROCCO AT A GLANCE

MEDIA SPECIFIC

>Number of active print outlets, radio stations, television stations: Print: 285 Arabic, 90 French, and 9 Amazigh publications; Radio Stations:

13; Television Stations: 4

>Newspaper circulation statistics: 300,000 daily >Broadcast ratings: N/A >News agencies: Maghreb Arabe Pressse Agency (state-owned) >Annual advertising revenue in media sector: $262 million (Ministry of Information website, 2005) >Internet usage: 13.213 million (2009 est., CIA World Factbook)

GENERAL

>Population: 31, 627,428 (July 2010 est., CIA World Factbook) >Capital city: Rabat >Ethnic groups (% of population): Arab-Berber 99.1%, other 0.7%, Jewish

0.2% (CIA World Factbook)

>Religions (% of population): Muslim 98.7%, Christian 1.1%, Jewish 0.2% (CIA World Factbook) >Languages: Arabic (official), Berber dialects, French often the language of business, government, and diplomacy >GNI (2009-Atlas): $89.93 billion (World Bank Development Indicators,2010) >GNI per capita (2009-PPP): $4,400 (World Bank Development Indicators,2009) >Literacy rate: 52.3% (male: 65.7%, female: 39.6%) (2004 census, CIA World Factbook) >President or top authority: King Mohammed VI (since July 30, 1999)

MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX

: MOROCCO

SUSTAINABILITY

OBJECTIVES

UNSUSTAINABLE

MIXED SYSTEMNEAR

SUSTAINABILITY SUSTAINABLE

UNSUSTAINABLE

ANTI-FREE PRESS

FREE

SPEECHPROFESSIONAL

JOURNALISMPLURALITY OF

NEWS SOURCESBUSINESS

MANAGEMENTSUPPORTING

INSTITUTIONS

Unsustainable, Anti-Free Press (0-1):

Country does not meet or only minimally

meets objectives. Government and laws actively hinder free media development, professionalism is low, and media-industry activity is minimal.

Unsustainable Mixed System (1-2):

Country minimally meets objectives, with

segments of the legal system and government opposed to a free media system. Evident progress in free-press advocacy, increased professionalism, and new media businesses may be too recent to judge sustainability.

Near Sustainability (2-3):

Country has

progressed in meeting multiple objectives, with legal norms, professionalism, and the business environment supportive of independent media. Advances have survived changes in government and have been codified in law and practice. However, more time may be needed to ensure that change is enduring and that increased professionalism and the media business environment are sustainable.

Sustainable (3-4):

Country has media that

are considered generally professional, free, and sustainable, or to be approaching these objectives. Systems supporting independent media have survived multiple governments, economic fluctuations, and changes in public opinion or social conventions. 37

Arabic-language daily

Akhbar Al Youm

Today"s News

without legal justification in September 2009, and the fabrication of criminal charges against its director, Taoufiq Bouacharine (also an MSI panelist); the detention of the blogger Al Bashir H izam; and the imprisonment of another journalist, Idris Shehtan, in October 2009, for publishing an inaccurate story about the health of the king. Near the end of 2009, judicial and administrative authorities liquidated Media Trust, the company behind

Le Journal

Hebdomadaire

—considered by many Morocco"s most

important independent platform. The official reason was failure to pay its debts. In February 2010, H iran Mustafa, a journalist at

Le Journal Hebdomadaire

, wrote in an online commentary that most newspapers failed to report the initial news of

Le Journal Hebdomadaire

"s closure—a move he labeled political—although he said that a number of online discussion forums addressed the incident. H e noted that later, other papers with ties to the authorities proceeded to cover

Media Trust"s financial troubles to excess.

2

Mustafa explained that

Le Journal Hebdomadaire

, which began in 1997 as

Le Journal

, focused mostly on finance and the economy originally, but gradually expanded into the political arena, including issues related to the royal palace. According to some panelists, the magazine showed courage in pursuing sensitive political topics. Its managing team, particularly under the direction of Aboubakr Jamai, developed it into a serious and professional independent forum—but at a price. After a heated struggle with the authorities, it re-emerged in 2000 as

Le Journal

Hebdomadaire

. In a climate of building pressure against the independent press in Morocco, the management of the magazine"s editorial board has retained the same editorial line, according to Mustafa. During difficult times for Morocco and the press—including crackdowns following the terrorist bombings in Casablanca in 2003—

Le Journal

stood at the heart of the storm, suffering from prosecutions and financialharassment. 3

Le Journal Hebdomadaire

"s financial troubles date back to 2006, when a Moroccan court delivered a devastating blow and ordered it to pay MAD 3 million (approximately $354,000 at that time) in damages in a defamation case filed by Claude Moniquet, head of the Brussels-based European Strategic Intelligence and Security Center. Moniquet claimed that Le Journal Hebdomadaire defamed him in an article questioning his group"s independence. The article was based on a report that his organization authored on the disputed 2 Mustafa, Hiran, “Le Journal Iibdomadir:" The story of the assassination of the most important independent journalist platform in Morocco. February 2010. Available (in Arabic) at http://www.hespress.com/ ?browser=view&EgyxpID=18430 3

Ibid, Mustafa.

OBJECTIVE 1: FREEDOM OF SPEECH

Morocco Objective Score: 1.52

Freedom of speech scores continued to decline in 2009, with a number of negative trends behind the deterioration. The major factors that panelists cited include the sense of increasing repression against independent newspapers, the imprisonment of journalists and bloggers, the disappearance of leading independent platforms, and outright bans on publications—the most direct attack on press freedom. The Press Law of 2003 protects the freedom of expression. But often, security forces and a judiciary that cannot be called independent interpret broadly the sections of the press law that criminalize any “threat" to the monarchy, Islam, or territorial unity—rendering fragile any support for the freedom of the press. Civil society has increased appeals to advance debate on reforming the Press Law and passing a law guaranteeing the right of access to information, but those efforts have failed to date. Panelists pointed to a number of recent cases of repression against journalists that illustrate the weakness of the press law and the growing insecurity of independent outlets. They referred to the circumstances surrounding the forced closure of the weekly news magazine

Le Journal Hebdomadaire

and then

Al Jarida Al Oula

The First Newspaper"

); the destruction of issues of

TelQuel

and

Nichane

weekly magazines in July 2009; the closure of the independent

MOROCCO

LEGAL AND SOCIAL NORMS PROTECT AND PROMOTE

FREE SPEEC H AND

ACCESS

TO

PUBLIC

INFORMATION

FREE-SPEECH INDICATORS:

Legal and social protections of free speech exist and are enforced.

Licensing of broadcast media is fair

, competitive, and apolitical. Market entry and tax structure for media are fair and comparable to other industries. Crimes against journalists or media outlets are prosecuted vigorously, but occurrences of such crimes are rare. State or public media do not receive preferential legal treatment, and law guarantees editorial independence.

Libel is a civil law issue; public of

ficials are held to higher standards, and offended parties must prove falsity and malice. Public information is easily accessible; right of access to information is equally enforced for all media and journalists. Media outlets have unrestricted access to information; this is equally enforced for all media and journalists. Entry into the journalism profession is free, and government imposes no licensing, restrictions, or special rights for journalists.

MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 200938

Lahidh Mohammed Alsassi, university professor of law and political activist, added that there are hidden figures within officialdom and in some independent media platforms that manipulate the newspapers from the shadows—which would be impossible without at least the tacit consent of the state. The newspapers affected most adversely are those with opinion writers such as Jamai and Bouacharine, known for taking a more critical stance. Another major blow to the independent press came following a poll carried out by the French-language weekly magazines

TelQuel

and

Nichane

in July 2009. The poll assessed the outcome of the monarch"s first 10 years of rule, prompting severe backlash from the authorities despite the fact that the poll yielded largely favorable results for the king. Minister of Communications Khalid Naciri declared that merely evaluating the king"s work is damaging to the reputation of the monarchy, and on this pretext, police destroyed of

100,000 copies of the August 4, 2009 edition of

TelQuel

and its Arabic-language version,

Nichane

This event marked the second time that the authoritiesquotesdbs_dbs5.pdfusesText_9