[PDF] Imagining Turkish Literature: Between the French Republic of

1AbstractImaginingTurkishLiterature:BetweentheFrenchRepublicofLettersandtheOttomanEmpirebyJonathanHaddadDoctorofPhilosophyinFrenchUniversityofCalifornia,BerkeleyProfessorSorayaTlatli,ChairThisstudytracestheemergenceofthecategory"Turkishliterature"withintheFrench-speakingscholarlyco mmunityineighteenth-centuryEurope.Byuncoveri ngforgottendebatesintheeighteenthcenturyamongFrenchscholars,courtiers,anddiplomatsabouttheexistenceofTurkishliterature,IshowhowthearticulationofthenotionofliteraturedrewboundariesbetweenFranceandtheIslamicateworld.Thesedebatesofferinsightintohowco mpetingdefinitions of"Turk"and"literature" conditionedwhethertheFrenchRepublicofLettersintegratedorexcludedOttoman"menofletters."Myanalysis ofFrenchdefinitionso fTurkish literaturehighlig htstwocorethemes:politenessasliteratureandtheborderlinesbetweenFrenchandOttoman.Inthechapter"WorthyofCrossingtheSea,"IshowthefluidityofbothcategoriesinthewordsofJeandeLaroque.AjournalistwritingforthewidelyreadMercuredeFrance,LaroqueusedhisnativeMarseilleasatemplateforhisbeliefsabouttheMuslimOttomans,leadinghimtodefineliteratureasanactivecommerceamongpersons.InaseriesofletterspublishedintheperiodicalMercuredeFrancebetween1732and1738,Laroqueemphasizestheroleofthecourtinpolicingthesocietyofmenofletters.Thefollowingchapter,"PeoplebeforePrint"buildsonthiscourt-centeredandinterpersonaldefinitionofTurkishliterature,arguingthatthereactionsoftheParisianacademicmilieutotheestablishmentin1727ofthefirstArabicmovable-typepressattheOttomancourtcontrastswithongoingculturalexchangesbetweenFrenchandO ttomandiplom ats.Rather thanrepresentingathreshold,Ireveal,printwasactuallyancillarytotheactivitiesoftheRepublicofLetters.Rather,FrenchmenoflettersperceivedTurkishliteratureastheproductofOttomaneliteformationandthecirculationofmanuscripts.Thesemanuscripts,inturn,providedthesourcematerialforanumberoftranslationsofOrientaltales.Thechapter"TheSnakeintheLibrary"examinesthecollectionspublishedbyFrenchOrientalistsPétisdeLaCroix,

2Caylus,andCardo nnefrom1707to177 0.Clo sereadingsofthese threeauthors'adaptationsbringtolighttherepresentationofa"Turkishstyle."Overthecourseofthecentury,thisstylecomestoreplacereferencestoOttomanpoeticswithagenericandself-referentialOrientalistliterarycorpus.Together,theanalysesconductedinthesethreechaptersdemonstratestheimp ortanceofeliteandcour t-centeredpracticestotheintegrationofIslamicateculturewithintheRepublicofLetters.Ultimately,thefindingsofthisdissertationcontributetotwofieldsofstudythathavewitnessedaresurgenceofinterestinrecentyears.First,byexhuminglongburieddebatesaboutTurkishliterature,IprovideamorecomprehensiveaccountofthemovementofMuslimsandthecirculationofIslamicatecultureinEuropeintheeighteenthcentury.Inaddition,Iaddmyworktoanemergingcritiqueofcenter-peripherymodelsof"worldliterature"byretracingthehistoricalprocessesbywhichOrientalismcomestoabsorbTurkishliteratureintotheFrenchRepublicofLetters.

2continuitiesbutalsodrewthefrontiersbetweenEuropeandIslamthatcolonialismandtherhetoricofsecularismwouldcometoexacerbateandreify.Asecondcontributionthisstudymakesistothegrowingscholarshiponworldliterature.IdrawconnectionsbetweentheuniversalistaspirationsoftheRepublicofLettersintheeighteenthcenturyandthedevelopmentofthecontemporarynotionofworldliterature.Untilrecently,studiesofworldliteraturehavedrawnanunequalmapoftheworld,inwhichperipheralliteraturesaredominatedbycentersofworldliterature,suchasParisandLondon.FrancoMoretti,forexample,writingin2000conceivesofworldliteratureasanalogoustointernationalcapitalisminwhichaperipheryis"intersectedandalteredby"acorethat"completelyignoresit."3Hissolutiontothisimbalance,"distantreading,"proposestoincludeanswersabout"thegreatunread"4worksofperipheralculturestoquestionsthathadheretoforeonlybeenaskedofEuropean(core)literatures.PascaleCasanova,inTheWorldRepublicofLetters(1999),alsoadvancesacenter-and-peripherymodel,definedasan"internationalliteraryspace"organizedaroundacentersituatedatthe"Greenwichmeridianofliterature."5Casanovameasures"aestheticdistance"fromthiscenterasaquestionofhistoricaltime:aliterarycorpusisdefinedtemporallyinrelationshiptoanaccepted,centralcanon.6Aperipherallanguageinthisunequalorganizationcanacheive"literariness,"throughtranslation,"anactofconsecrationthatgives[dominatedauthors]accesstoliteraryvisibilityandexistence."7TheinequalityofliteraryspaceinCasanova'stellling,however,obscurestheveryhistoricalprocessesthroughwhich"peripheral"literatureshavebeenmediated.Thecenter-peripherymodelofCasanova's"WorldRepublicofLetters"isthustakenforgranted:literaryhistoryoccursatthecoreinthedevelopmentofEuropeannationalliteraturesbutnotontheperiphery.Twonewstudies,AamirMufti'sForgetEnglish!OrientalismsandWorldLiteraturesandMichaelAllan'sIntheShadowofWorldLiterature:SitesofreadingincolonialEgyptshowhowcolonialismandOrientalismshape,respectively,thedefinitionofaworldliterarycanonandtheconditionsforstudyingliterature.8MyfindingsrevealthatthesameprocessesthatAamirMuftiandMichaelAllanidentifyastheproductofnineteenth-centurycolonialism - orientalistpracticesoftranslation,canonformationanddefiningthetermsbywhichaculturalproductionisvaluedasliterary - parallel,infact,theconstructivepracticesofFrench"MenofLetters"ineighteenth-centuryParisandIstanbul.WhilemanyrecentstudieshavestruggledtodelineatethespecificnatureofOrientalismintheperiodbeforecolonialism,IrevealthatattitudestowardsIslamicateliteratureshowconsistencyovertimeandacrossachangingpowerdifferential.3FrancoMoretti,"ConjecturesonWorldLiterature,"NewLeftReview,II,no.1(2000):54-68,55-56.4Ibid.,54.5PascaleCasanova,TheWorldRepublicofLetters,trans.M.BDeBevoise(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,2004),87-125.6Ibid.,88.7Ibid.,135.8MichaelAllan,IntheShadowofWorldLiterature:SitesofReadinginColonialEgypt,2016(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2016)andAamirMufti,ForgetEnglish!:OrientalismsandWorldLiteratures(Cambridge,Massachusetts:HarvardUniversityPress,2015).

4TheRepublicofLetters,emerginginthesixteenthcenturywiththeconsciousnessofnationalliteratures,14comprisesofthenetworksandactivitiesofacommunityofscholarsandgentlemenpreoccupiedwiththecollectionofknowledgederivedfromdiversesciencesandtexts.15AfigurativeRepublic,itisdefinedmetaphoricallyinthe1694Dictionnairedel'Académiefrançaiseas"menoflettersingeneral,understoodasiftheymadeuponebody."16TheRepublicofLettersisassociatedbothwithHabermas'sconceptionofthepublicsphere,asthe"literarypublicsphere,"andasanexpressionofpublicopinioncounterbalancingtherealmoftheCourt.17DenaGoodmanremarksthattheRepublicofLettersis"apolityparalleltothemonarchybutentwinedwithit[.]"18Althoughthenotionofaparallel"citizenship"articulatedwithintheRepublicofLettersiscrucialtoitsportrayalasthesiteofarticulationoftheEnlightenmentproject,19whatcomestolightthroughthedefinitionofTurkishliteratureistheformeraspect,itsdependenceuponthevalues,levers,andpatronageofthemonarchy.Fromthisperspective,IbuilduponAnneGoldgar'sargumentinImpoliteLearning.Shepositsthatascholarly,orérudit,RepublicofLettersfadedwiththeadventofthepublicsphere,andthefigureofthe"manofletters"wasovertakenbytheprofessionalwriter,orbelle-lettriste.20Thisstudy,then,providesasnapshotofarearguard,conservativeculturalandaestheticmovementthat,unexpectedly,openedchannelsofinterculturalexchange.LiteratureandpolitenessThisdissertationprojectcontendsthatthearticulationofworldliteratureintheeighteenthcenturywasmadepossiblethroughthepracticesofeliteformsofsociability.ExchangesbetweenOttomanandEuropean,andbetweenIstanbulandParis,wereensuredbytheprimacyofsociability,i.e."politeness,"21amongthevaluesoftheRepublicofLetters.DanielGordonoffersasadefinitionofsociability"thedispositionandmannersofhumanswhounderstoodthattheirinterestswereintertwinedwiththeinterestsofothers[.]"22DrawingadistinctionbetweentheEnlightenmentandthe"éruditRepublicofLetters[,]"Goldgarpinpointsinthelatter"thecontinuityofpersonalrelationshipsastheprimaryvisionforacommunitywhichtriedtothinkcommunally[.]"23Thecontinuityofpersonalrelationshipsdepended,then,uponasharedvalueofsociability;itremained14Casanova,WorldRepublicofLetters.15HansBotsandFrançoiseWaquet,LaRépubliquedesLettres,Europe&Histoire(Paris :Bruxelles:Belin ;DeBoeck,1997),23-7.16CitedinBotsandWaquet,LaRépubliquedesLettres,18.17SeeJürgenHabermas,Thestructuraltransformationofthepublicsphere:aninquiryintoacategoryofbourgeoissociety(Cambridge,Mass.:MITPress,1989),51-6;andDanielRoche,LesRépublicainsDesLettres:GensdeCultureetLumièresAuXVIIIeSiècle(Paris:Fayard,1988),151-73.18DenaGoodman,TheRepublicofLetters:ACulturalHistoryoftheFrenchEnlightenment(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1994),AclsHumanitiesE-Book,AclsHumanitiesE-Book,http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.03988,1-2.19Ibid.,2.20AnneGoldgar,ImpoliteLearning:ConductandCommunityintheRepublicofLetters,1680-1750(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1995).21DanielGordon,CitizenswithoutSovereignty:EqualityandSociabilityinFrenchThought,1670-1789(Princeton,N.J:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),75.22Ibid.23Goldgar,ImpoliteLearning,242.

5validonasmallerscale-forexample,withinaprovincialacademy-aswellasamongnations.TheinternationalvocationoftheRepublicofLettersdemandedthatrelationshipsamongnationswerenotconstrainedbynationalorreligiousboundaries.LorraineDastonbringstotheforetheimportanceofthisprincipleoftolerancetoattitudestowardstheparticipationofHuguenotsintheRepublicofLetters.24AlastairHamiltonreinforcesthispoint,albeitexpandinguponittoassertoftheRepublicofLetters,"allitsmemberswouldhavecalledthemselvesChristians,scholarswereexpectedtoriseaboveconfessionalloyalty."25BothJocelyneDakhliaandSonjaBrentjespresentcasesoftheopennessandtolerationoftheRepublicofLetterstowardsMuslimcorrespondentsandtravelers.26Thustheprincipleof"continuity"intheRepublicofLettersenableditsopennessacrossnationalandconfessionalboundaries.ThefallacyunderpinningthenotionofatransnationalRepublicofLettersholdsthattheadherencetovaluesemictothecommunityoflettersemancipatestheRepublicofLettersfromtheexerciseofCourtpower.Ontheonehand,thisisreconfiguredascosmopolitanism;instudiesoftheEnlightenment,thisemancipationisattributedtotheindependentspaceofthesalon.27AntoineLiltihasrefutedthispointclaimingthatthesalonswere"venuesofentertainmentforpoliteelites,andweredeeplyrootedincourtsociety."28ByanalogyCasanovacontraststhe"fiction"ofthenotionofliteratureas"somethingpure,free,anduniversal"withan"internationalliterarylaw"thatmaintainsimbalancesofpowerandrecreatesadynamicofcenterandperipherydisplacedfromthenationtowardsthevalueofliterariness.29Thisdissertationproject,concurringwithbothLiltiandCasanova,showsthatboththepowerdynamicsofpolitecourtsocietyandofliterarinessinvesttheconstructionoftheconceptofTurkishliterature.Thispower,Iarguehere,isexercisedthroughpoliteness.EvaluatingtheliterarinessoftheTurkequateswithascertainingwhetherornothe30ispolite.InPolitenessanditsDiscontents,PeterFranceilluminatesthewaysinwhichpolitenessconstructstheOtherinFranceandEnglandfrom1660to1760.Heposits,"theconfrontationbetween'rudeness'andcivilizationhasbeenaconstantstructuringprincipleintheEuropeanmind.Theprinciplehasoperatedmainlyinthemindsofthe'civilized,'whodefinetheirsociety,mannersandspeechbyoppositiontowhattheycallsavage,barbarous,uncouth."31ThewidespreadperceptionoftheOttomansattheturnoftheeighteenthcenturyispreciselythattheyarebarbarousandthushavenoliterature.24LorraineDaston,"TheIdealandRealityoftheRepublicofLettersintheEnlightenment,"ScienceinContext4,no.2(1991):367-86.25AlastairHamilton,Introduction,inAlastairHamilton,MauritsH.vandenBoogert,andBartWesterweel,eds.,TheRepublicofLettersandtheLevant,(Leiden ;Boston:Brill,2005),1-11,1.26SeeDakhlia,"Unearchéologiedumêmeetdel'autre,"andSonjaBrentjes,"TheInterestoftheRepublicofLettersintheMiddleEast,1550-1700,"ScienceinContext,no.12(1999):435-68.27Goodman,RepublicofLetters.28Lilti,Antoine."TheKingdomofPolitesse:SalonsandtheRepublicofLettersinEighteenth-CenturyParis."RepublicsofLetters:AJournalfortheStudyofKnowledge,Politics,andtheArts1,no.1(2009):1-11.29Casanova,WorldRepublicofLetters,12.30ItwillbecomeapparentinthecourseofthisstudythattherealmofTurkishliteraturethatconcernstheFrenchRepublicofLettersisexclusivelymale.31France,PolitenessandItsDiscontents,204.SeealsoGordon,CitizenswithoutSovereignty,whomakesasimilarpointaboutsociability:"theriseofsociabilitywasa'revolution'thatseparated'civilization'from'barbarism'"(130).

8siegeofViennain1529.42FranceenjoyedanalliancewiththeOttomanEmpirefromthetimeofFrançoisI.Underhisreign,GuillaumePostelestablishedthefirstEuropeanembassytoIstanbulin1535.WithintheframeworkofFranco-Ottomanrelations,accountsoftheOttomanEmpirebroughthometotheFrenchdiverseportrayalsoftheOttomans,theirfaith,andtheadministrationoftheEmpire.ThiscuriositywassystematizedbytheendoftheseventeenthcenturyintoapracticedstudyoftheOrient.NicholasDewtracesinhisculturalhistory,OrientalisminLouisXIV'sFrance,thedevelopmentoftheinstitutionsandtheconstructionofnetworksofOrientalismastheproductofthestrategyoftheGallicanCounter-reformation.43InstigatedbyColbert,schoolsofJeunesdelangueswereformedtotrainFrenchyouthsinthelanguagesoftheOttomanEmpire:Turkish,Persian,andArabic.Thecourt-sponsoredexpeditionstotheLevantacquirefromtheEasternChristiancommunitiesproofoftransubstantiationatthetimeoftheChurch'sfoundation.ThisservedtheGallicanchurchbypromotingLouisXIV'sroleindefendingtheChurchagainsttheclaimsoftheReformation.TheSieurdeLaCroix,aFrenchenvoytoIstanbulinthe1670sdocumentedanumberoftheseaffirmationsfromtheEasternChurchinLaTurquieCrétiennesouslaPuissanteProtectiondeLouisLeGrand,ProtecteuruniqueduCristianismeenOrient,44apublicationwhosetitlemakestheambitionofLouisXIVtorivalRomeforleadershipoftheChurch.Inpartasabyproductofthesemissionsandinpartthroughtheconcertedeffortsofdifferentnetworksoferudition,embassystaffandtravelerstotheLevantaccumulatedanumberofmanuscriptsinOttomanTurkish,Persian,andArabic,withoutanybearingtotheoriginalintentofthemissionssponsoredbyColbertandtheRoyalLibrarianAbbéBignon.ThequestionofTurkishliterature,then,remainedtangentialtotheinstitutionsofOrientalismatthecuspoftheseventeenthcentury.Nevertheless,thereweresignificantworksofcriticismthataccountedfortheroleoftheOrientinliteraryproduction,amongthemAdrienBaillet'sJugemensdesSavants(1685-86)andHuet'sTraitésurl'OriginedesRomans(1669).45Inthenarrativesdevelopedbytheseauthors,ArabsandPersians,andtheancientHebrews,developedaliteratureoftheimagination.ThefableoriginatedintheOrientandwasabsorbedbytheGreeks.AccordingtoBaillet,theTurksrazedthecultureoftheArabswhoprecededthem.ForHuet,theylackedfullunderstandingoftheirinheritance.ThepublicationoftheBibliothèqueorientalein1697largelycapturestheperceptionoftheOttomansintheRepublicofLettersatthetime.InhisDiscourspourservird'unPrefacetotheBibliothèqueorientale,AntoineGalland,whowouldlatergainnotorietyforhistranslationoftheMilleetunenuits(1704-1710),soughttodispensewiththereputationoftheTurksasignorantanduncultured.HedistinguishesbetweenattitudestowardsArabsandPersians,andtheattitudetowardsTurks:42MarcusKeller,"TheTurkofEarlyModernFrance,"L'EspritCréateur53,no.4(2013):1-8,doi:10.1353/esp.2013.0045,2.43NicholasDew,OrientalisminLouisXIV'sFrance,(Oxford ;NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2009),30-36.44SieurdeLacroix,LaTurquiecrétienne,souslapuissanteprotectiondeLouisleGrand,protecteuruniquedecristianismeenOrient(Paris:ChezP.Herissant,1695).45AdrienBailletandBernarddeLaMonnoye,Jugemensdessavanssurlesprincipauxouvragesdesauteurs.(Paris:C.Moette,1722);Pierre-DanielHuet,FabienneGégou,andJeanChapelain,Lettre-TraitédePierre-DanielHuetsurl'originedesromans;Éditiondutricentenaire,1669-1969.SuiviedeLalecturedesvieuxromans(Paris:A.-G.Nizet,1971).

9Truthbetold,wegivesomecredittotheArabs,andtheypassforhavingonceappliedthemselvestothecultivationofthesciences.OneattributespolitenesstothePersians,andonedoesthemjustice.Yet,bytheirnamealone,theTurksaresodenigrated,thatitusuallysufficestonametheminordertorepresentabarbarous,crude,andcompletelyignorantNation,andbytheirname,onemeanstospeakofthosewhoareunderthedominationoftheOttomanEmpire.ilfautdirelaverité,onfaitquelquegraceauxArabes,&ilspassentpouravoirautrefoiscultiveelessciencesavecgrandeapplication.OnattribuëdelapolitesseauxPersans,&onleurfaitjustice.Mais,parleurnomseul,lesTurcssonttellementdécriez,qu'ilsuffitordinairementdelesnommerpoursignifieruneNationbarbare,grossiere,&d'uneignoranceachevée,&sousleurnom,l'onentendparlerdeceuxquisontsousladominationdel'EmpireOttoman.46Gallandshowsthat,despitethecommongroupingoflesOrientaux,opinionhasdrawncleardistinctionsamongArabs,Persians,andTurks.Amongthesegroups,theTurksareexcludedfromtheconcessionsthataremadeeithertoPersiansorArabs.Moreover,Gallandhighlightstheambiguityofusingtheword"Turk"toidentifythosewhoaregovernedbytheOttomans.Hedoesnot,however,makeclearhowhewouldusetheterm,andwhetherornotitwouldbemoreaccuratelyappliedtotheOttomans,themselves.Onthequestionofthecontributionsofthe"Turks"tosciencesandletters,Gallandcomestotheirdefense,affirmingthat"theyconcedenothingtotheArabsnortothePersiansinthesciencesandinthebellesLettrescommontothesethreeNations,andtheycultivatethemalmostfromthebeginningoftheirEmpire."(ilsnecedentniauxArabes,niauxPersans,danslessciences&danslesbellesLettrescommunesàcestroisNations,&qu'ilslescultiventpresquedéslecommencementdeleurEmpire.)47Gallandenumeratesthetheologians,historians,andpoetsoftheOttomancourt,citingthislastcategoryas"asignofthedelicacyoftheirspirit"(unemarquedeladelicatessedeleuresprit).48OnthesubjectofTurkishpoetry,Gallandconcludes:inwhateverNation,PoetryhasoverProse,thefactthatitisexpressedmorenobly,andthatitpaintsthingswithbrightercolors,whichcanonlycomefrompolitenessanddelicacyofspirit.46Barthélemyd'Herbelotetal.,Bibliothèqueorientale,ou,Dictionaireuniversel:contenantgénéralementtoutcequiregardelaconoissancedespeuplesdel'Orient :leurshistoiresettraditionsvéritablesoufabuleuses...Leursreligions,sectesetpolitique...Leursgouvernement,loix,coûtumes,moeurs,guerres,&lesrévolutionsdeleursempires...Leurssciences,etleursarts...Lesviesetactionsremarquablesdetousleurssaints,docteurs,philosophes,historiens,poëtes,capitaines,&detousceuxquisesontrendusillustresparmieux,parleurvertu,ouparleursavoir...Desjugemenscritiques,etdesextraitsdetousleursouvrages...(Paris:CompagniedesLibraires,1697),írecto.47Ibid.48Ibid.

11representationofcustomsandmanners.WelchwritesthatGalland'stranslationhascometoexemplifyliterature'scomplicityinthereproductionanddisseminationofpervasiveculturalbeliefsabouttheEast."51AdiscussionofFrenchbeliefsanddebatesaboutTurkishliteraturesetsinmotionimportantquestionswithregardtothepracticesandrelationshipsofpoweratplayinOrientalism.SeveralrecentworkshavesoughttograpplewithOrientalisminthecontextoftheAncienrégime.52InMufti'sformulation,thisisanoftenuncomfortableprocessthatseekstoseparatethe"humanists"fromthe"racists."53(28)Thefocusofthisprojecton"Turkishliterature"definedbytheFrench,extendstworecentcontributionstothecriticalreassessmentoftheterm"Worldliterature."MichaelAllan,forone,encouragestheanalysisof"theterm'literature'"throughdevelopingabetterunderstandingofthe"literarydisciplinesintowhichtextsareborn."54InAllan'scase,thisanalysistakesplacewithinthecontextofArabicliterarycriticismandthemoderninceptionofArabicliterarycriticism.Allanusesasanexample,theformalizationofthetermadab.Myintervention,inthecontextofFrenchacademiclife,drawstogetheracademicdiscoursesaboutsociabilityandOttomanliterature.Walkingback"literature"toamomentofintensecross-culturalexchanges,IshowhowtheFrenchpracticeof"literature"allowedforpermeabilitywithOttomanpracticesofadab-thusevokingasharedmomentwherethedisciplineofliteraturewasinexactandconstructedthroughsociability."[D]efiningwhatliteratureisbecomesinseparablefromhowitcomestomatter.Andhowitcomestomatterturnscriticallyontheinstitutionsthatcometoframehowweread."55Allan'sworkfurtherdescribesthesecularizationofpracticesandpedagogiesofliteraturewithincolonialEgypt.TheworkofAamirMuftishowstheprocessbywhichEnglishtranslationbyOrientalists"invented"theideaofIndianliteratureasaunified,nationalliterature.HedatesthisprocessbacktotheworkofBritishcolonialadministration.Thisproject,however,showshowFrenchOrientalistssetthisprocessinmotionmuchearlier,intheearly1700s.ArticulatingtheDebateMyfirstchapteranalyzesthelettersonTurkishliteratureoftheMarseillaisjournalistandtravelerJeandeLaroque.Idemonstratetwosetsofboundaries:thosethatcircumscribeliteratureandthosethatincorporatetheTurkintotheRepublicofLetters.51EllenR.Welch,ATastefortheForeign:WorldlyKnowledgeandLiteraryPleasureinEarlyModernFrenchFiction(Newark:UniversityofDelawarePress,2011),144.52See,e.g.,InaBaghdiantzMcCabe,OrientalisminEarlyModernFrance:EurasianTrade,ExoticismandtheAncienRégime(Oxford ;NewYork:Berg,2008);NicholasDew,OrientalisminLouisXIV'sFrance,OxfordHistoricalMonographs(Oxford ;NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2009);MadeleineDobie,TradingPlaces:ColonizationandSlaveryinEighteenth-CenturyFrenchCulture(Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,2010);SrinivasAravamudan,EnlightenmentOrientalism:ResistingtheRiseoftheNovel(Chicago ;London:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2012);andA.BevilacquaandH.Pfeifer,"Turquerie:CultureinMotion,1650-1750,"Past&Present221,no.1(November1,2013):75-118,doi:10.1093/pastj/gtt019.53Mufti,ForgetEnglish,28.54Allan,WorldLiterature,93.55Ibid.

12Neithercategoryisfixed,butconstantlyevolvinginrelationstotheinstitutionsoftheRepublicofLettersandthecirculationofpeopleandwritingsacrosstheMediterranean.IarguethatLaroquedefinesTurkishliteraturebothasdynamicandinscribedwithinatightlygovernedsocialandhistoricaltrajectory.YetthisdefinitionitselfisfleetingandcorrespondstoamomentofintenseculturalexchangewiththeOttomanEmpire.IshowthatLaroque,writingintheMercure,effacesthedistinctiontracedbyAnneGoldgarbetween"theeruditeandmondainpublic"thatparallelsanemergingclassofbelles-lettrists-writers-writing"literature"thatcamefromoutsidethecommunalrealmoftheRepublicofLetters.56Laroque'sdefinitionsofbothTurkandLiteratureremainbothworldlyanderudite.Hedrawsuponbeliefsaboutgoodtasteandpoliteness,andreliesupontheeliteregulationofbothtomaintaintheeasycirculationofTurkswithintheRepublicofLetters.Inmysecondchapter,IexamineFrenchreactionstotheOttomanprintingpress,arguingthat,althoughprintwascentraltothediscourseabouttheOttomans'capacitytocreateliterature,itwasatthesametimeancillarytotheactualactivitiesoftheRepublicofLetters,especiallywheredefiningTurkishliteraturewasconcerned.Theseactivitiesconstitutedasystemforgeneratingandsharingknowledgeandincludedthecataloguingofmanuscripts,personalcorrespondence,andotherinterpersonalinteractions.Itracetwoparallelnarratives:first,thatoftheFrenchreceptionoftheprintingpressand,second,theeffortsofaFrenchdiplomattodefineTurkishliteratureadecadelater.Readtogether,thesenarrativesrevealthatbothbeliefsaboutprintandinteractionsbetweenFrenchandOttomanintellectualsspoketoanxietiesabouttheintegrationoftheTurkishsubjectintotheEuropeanRepublicofLetters.WithoutthecontextofthebroaderaimofthesearchforTurkishliterature,thestoryofprintattheOttomancourtdisproportionatelyemphasizesanarrativeofEuropeanization.Inmyfinalchapter,IarguethatthetrajectoryoftheOrientaltaleintranslationistostripitofitscontextandtoresituateitwithinFrenchreadingpractices.Frommanuscripttoprint,thetalescollectedandpublishedinFrencharegivenanew,Europeangenealogy.IshowthisbyanalyzingthreecollectionsofOrientaltales,L'HistoiredelaSultanedePerseetdesVisirs,Contesturcs(1707)byPétisdeLaCroix,ContesorientauxtirésdesmanuscritsdelaBibliothèqueduRoydeFrance(1743)byCaylus,andtheMélangesdeLittératureorientale(1770)byCardonne.57PétisdelaCroixtranslateshissourcetextdirectlyfromanOttomanTurkishcycleofstories;CaylusandCardonneuseTurkishsourcestovaryingdegrees,juxtaposingthemwithothersourcesinArabicandPersian.AlthoughthesourcesthemselvesarenotrepresentativeofOttomanliteraryproduction,eachworkproposestorepresentOttomanandOrientalstorytelling,atriskofconflatingthetwo.56Goldgar,ImpoliteLearning,231.57FrançoisPétisdeLaCroixetal.,HistoiredelasultanedePerseetdesvizirs(Paris:Champion,2006);AnneClaudePhilippeCaylus,ContesOrientauxTirésDesManuscritsdeLaBibliothequeDuRoydeFrance,2vols.(LaHaye,1743),http://hdl.handle.net/2027/njp.32101073245639;andDenisDominiqueCardonne,MelangesdeLittératureOrientale :TraduitsdeDifferénsManuscritsTurcs,Arabes&PersansdeLaBibliothèqueDuRoi,2vols.(Paris:Hérissant,1770),http://hdl.handle.net/2027/nyp.33433061373373.

15thenegotiationofthe1740PeaceofBelgradeandtherenewalofitscapitulations-aseriesoftradeconcessionsnegotiatedbetweenthePorteandthePalaisdeFranceinIstanbul.AstheOttomanembassyandthenewsoftheprintingpressraisedquestionsaboutTurkishlettersandsciences,theshuttlingtoandfromIstanbulofanumberofdiplomaticattachésprovidedtheopportunitytoanswerthesequestions.TheMarseillaisJeandeLaroqueisrepresentativeofacadreofFrenchmenwhosenetworksandtravelsabroadpositionedthemtosatisfythisgrowingcuriosityandtoanswertoskepticismaboutTurkishliterature.AsaneditoroftheperiodicalMercuredeFrance,Laroqueheldaparticularlyprivilegedvoiceinthesediscussionsashewasabletoreachawideandmondainpublic.ThroughLaroque'sperspective,itispossibletounderstandthesocialbondsandincentivesthatenabledwithinFrancetheconstructionofabodyofknowledgeabouttheOttomanEmpire.Generalbeliefsaboutpolitenessineighteenth-centuryFranceconditionthesesocialnetworksandtheiractivities.TherelationshipbetweenFranceandtheOttomanEmpirewassubjecttowhatPeterFranceterms"theconfrontationbetween'rudeness'andcivilization"thatwas"aconstantstructuringprincipleintheEuropeanmind."2Literaturewasawaytopolicethisconfrontation.IargueinthischapterthatLaroque'sdefinitionofliteratureintegratedtheTurksintoEuropebyarticulatingthepassagefrom"rudeness"to"civilization."Laroque'sdefinitionaccomplishesthisbydefiningliteraturedynamicallyastheproductofmenofletters - theirtaste,theirpoliteness,andtheirorganizationintoacademies.ThehandacademieshadinregulatingtheRepublicofLettersisrootedinitsconnectiontothemonarchy.DanielRochecautionsagainstaneasyassociationbetweentheacademiesandtheEnlightenment.3Hesinglesout,rather,twoimportantaspectsoftheacademies'functions:first"akindofcontinuousliaisonwiththepoweroftheking"and,second,"thecontrolofformsofexpressionandthemasteryofauniformandunifiedlanguagethatfundamentallydistinguishesamoralandsocialhuman,anddefinesanethosthatisatoncecivicandcultural."4Theexerciseofpowerthroughtheacademytomakeknowledgeandmenoflettersalikeconformtoapoliteidealofhumanconductisessential,asIshow,toLaroque'sadvocacyofacademies.Itisthisuniformityandattachmenttothecourtthatenablesthepassagefrom"rudeness"to"civilization."IwillexaminethreeaspectsofLaroque'slettersinthischapter.First,Iwillshowhowliterature,inLaroque'sconception,ispredicateduponthetranslatabilityofeverythingintotext.Inthefollowingtwosections,IwillshowhowLaroquedefinesliteratureaspoliteness,althoughthispoliteness,inordertointegratetheRepublicofLettersdependsupontheregimentationofroyalpatronageandscientificacademies.BeforedelvingintothesethreeaspectsofTurkishliterature,IwilloutlineLaroque'slifeandhowhisMarseillaisoriginsconditionhisbeliefsaboutliteratureandthenprovideanoverviewofthecontentofLaroque'slettersintheMercure.ThisanalysisofLaroque's2France,PolitenessandItsDiscontents,204.3Roche,LesRépublicainsdesLettres,157-71.4Ibid.,160:"untypedeliaisoncontinueaveclepouvoirroyal[,]"and"lecontrôledesformesd'expressionetlamaîtrised'unlanguenormaliséeetunifiéequifondamentalementdistingueuntypehumain,moraletsocial,préciseuneéthiqueciviqueetculturelleàlafois."

23networksproveessentialindevelopinganinformedconsensusonasubjectofimporttotheRepublicofLetters.WiththeadvicethathiscorrespondentshouldimprovehisTurkish,Laroquechangesthesubject-roughlyhalfwaythroughtheletter-andbroachesalinguisticquarrel.HecriticizestheuseofthedesignationSophifortheSafavidemperor.Then,hechangesthesubjectagain,inordertodiscussaPersianinscriptionfromaTurkishleatherportfoliosenttohimbyhiscorrespondentinIstanbul.HehadalsoreceivedaninscribedlettersealfromTurkey.Afterofferingatranslationofthisinscription,LaroquelingersontheallusiontoMuhammad'swifeAisha,andprovidesatwo-pagedisquisitionaboutthefigureoftheProphet'swife.LaroqueconcludestheletterwiththedescriptionofasketchoftheHagiaSophiaMosqueandadiscussionofthewatersupplytothecisternsbeneaththemosque.Devotedtotheauthor'sownruminationsaboutlanguage,leather,theQuran,andarchitectureinIstanbul,thissecondletterimpressesuponthereaderLaroque'sfar-reachingconnectionsbothtoapreviousgenerationofOrientalistsandtohispeerscurrentlytravelinginIstanbul.Thegift-givinganddifferentcuriosmentionedinthelettersrevealtheactivityofhisnetworksandshowhimengagedinsocialinteractionsessentialtotheday-to-dayofamemberoftheRepublicofLetters.Laroque'sthirdletter,appearinginFebruary1735,continuestoleanonthereputationofPétisdelaCroixwhilealsoforefrontingtheimportanceofdevelopingprofilesofTurkish"menofletters"inordertosupporthisassertionoftheexistenceofTurkishliterature.Thisletter,whichtrailsoffintoapersonalquarrelwithJean-BaptisteLabat,shedslightondifferentmechanismsofgatekeepingwithintheRepublicofLetters.OnlythefirsthalfofthisletterisdevotedtothesubjectofTurkishliterature.Laroqueaddressesthesamecorrespondentasinhislastletter:Inotice, Monsieur,withp leasurethatyourprejudiceson thesubjectofth eLiteratureoftheMuslimshavediminishedabitsincereadingmylastLetter,andthat,ingeneral,youhavebeguntotreatthemfairly;butitremainsdifficultforyoutoconcedetheChapterastotheTurks[...]despiteallthatyoucanseeforyourselfintheCapitaloftheOttomanEmpire.Jem'aperçois,Monsieur,avecplaisirquevouspréjugésausujetdelaLitteraturedesMahometansdiminuentunpeudepuislalecturedemaderniereLettre,etqu'engeneralvouscommencésdeleurrendrequelquejustice;maisvousavésencoredelapeineàvousrendresurleChapitredesTurcs[...]malgrétoutcequevouspouvésvoirparvous-mêmedanslaCapitaledel'EmpireOttoman,oùvousrésidés[.]31Thus,LaroqueresituatesthearticleasanongoingdialoguebetweenhimselfandanexpatriateFrenchmaninIstanbul.Hemarkschangesintheattitudeofthecorrespondentthatwouldhavetakenplaceinthepastfourteenmonths-ideallymirroringtheprogressintheviewsoftheMercure'sreaders.However,hesetsouthistaskasmorespecificallyfocusedontheTurksthemselves,asapeople,ratherthanonthecultureofMuslims.31JeandeLaroque,"TroisièmeLettredeM.D.L.R.SurLaLitteratureDesMahometans,SurCelleDesTurcsEnParticulier;EtRéfutationD'unExposéDuR.P.Labat,DansLeIII.TomeDesMemoiresDuChevalierd'Arvieux,"MercuredeFrance,February1735,237.

24Laroqueregretsthathewouldnothavethepageswithwhichtodraft"theLiteraryHistoryofthisNation,uptothepresenttime"(l'HistoireLitterairedecetteNation,jusqu'autemspresent).32Instead,hepresentsonlyoneexample,thatoftheAbbasid-eraphilosopherAl-Farabi,describedas"atrulysavantTurk,frombeforetheTurkishNationhadanyexchangewiththoseofEurope"(unTurcveritablementsçavant,avantquelaNationTurqueeûtaucuncommerceaveccellesdel'Europe).33Thefollowingpagesconsistofareprintingofthearticle"FARABI"fromtheBibliothèqueorientale.Al-Farabi,whowroteonphilosophy,metaphysics,physics,government,andmusic,adaptedAristotelianphilosophytoIslamictheology,emphasizingtheprimacyofthenotionsof"being"and"oneness."34Althoughal-Farabiwasatenth-centuryphilosopherwritinginArabic,Laroqueplacestheemphasisonthewriter'sTurkicorigins,referringtohimas"unTurcveritablementsçavant","ceTurc"35and"cesçavantTurc."36ThechoiceofLaroquetocitetheBibliothèqueorientaleonal-Farabi,aphilosopherwritinginArabicinthetenth-centuryA.D.,issignificantpreciselybecauseitpointstoadefinitionoftheTurkishnation,channeledthroughArabichistoriography,thatwasnewtoFrenchOrientalists.OriginatingmostlikelyfromtheTransoxianaregionofCentralAsia,al-FarabiwasnotdefinedasethnicallyTurkishinbiographicalsourcesuntilthethirteenthcentury.SourcessuchasIbnKhallikanandAbu'l-fedabelongtowhatDimitriGutasdesignatesasa"pro-Turkishtradition,"thathas"thepurposeofdocumentingaTurkishethnicoriginforFārābī[.]"37Indeed,IbnKhallikan'sentryinhisbiographicaldictionaryWafayātal-aʿyān wa-anbāʾ al-zamān begins by designating al-Farabi as"theTurk,"(al-turkī).38IbnKhallikanassertsthatal-FarabiarrivedinBaghdadspeakingTurkish(andanumberofotherlanguages)butwithnoknowledgeofArabic.39Alatersource,Abu'lFedā's,rendersthismoreexplicit,writing"AndhewasaTurkishman"(wakānarajulanturkiyyān).40ItisnotsurprisingthenthattheonlytwobiographiescitedbyLaroque'ssource,theBibliothèqueorientale,areAbu'lFedāandIbnKhallikan.41Thus,whenLaroquedefinesal-Farabias"cesçavantturc,"heunwittinglycarriesforwardtheagendaoftwothirteenth-centurybiographers.TheinfluenceofthesebiographicalsourcesisimportantbecausetheyechoLaroque'sveryspecificreferencestoethnicallyTurkish,CentralAsiandynastiesinhisfirstletter.Thisrevealsamarkeddeparturefromstandardusageof"Turc"asanotherwordforMuslim,promotinginsteadadistinctlyethnicandnationalistusagethathasbeencarriedforwardfromoriginalsourcematerial.32Ibid.33Ibid.,238.34DamienJanos,"Al-Fārābī,Philosophy,"ed.KateFleetetal.,EncyclopaediaofIslam,THREE,,http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3/al-farabi-philosophy-COM_26962.35Laroque,"TroisièmeLettre,"239.36Ibid.,242.37DimitriGutas,"FARABII.Biography,"EncyclopediaIranica,December15,1999,http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/farabi-i.38IbnKhallikān,WafayātEl-Aʿyān(BiographiesofIllustriousMen),ed.IhsānAbbās,vol.5(Beirut:Dāral-Thaqāfa,19__),153,andforthetranslation:IbnKhallikān,IbnKhallikan'sBiographicalDictionary,trans.MacGuckindeSlane,vol.3(London:JohnsonReprintCorporation,1961),307.39Ibid.40Abūal-FidāʼIsmāʻīlibnʻAlī,Al-MukhtaṣarFīAkhbārAl-Bashar.([Constantinople,1869),http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.$b435830,104.41Herbelotetal.,Bibliothèqueorientale,ou,Dictionaireuniversel,337.

31principauxouvragesdesauteurs,firstpublishedinthe1680sbutreprintedinthe1720sandconsultedbyLaroque.AdrienBailletwrote:Manyhaveremar kedthatthep rogressoftheSciences andtheAr tsordi narilyfollowsthatofArms.ThisisareflexiontheyhavemadeontheHistoryofthestateoftheGreeks,theRomans,andeventheArabs,andonecansaythatitisverifiedstilltodaybyourMonarchy.Butitisdifficultforonetomakeofitauniversalrule,sincetheprodig ious successofOttomanarmshasnotyetbeenfollo wedbyasimilareffectupuntilnow.PlusieursontremarquéqueleprogrèsdesSciences&desArtssuitordinairementceluidesArmes.C'estunereflexionqu'ilsontfaitesurl'Histoiredel'étatdesGrecs,desRomains &desArabesmême,&o npeutdi requ'elle sevérifieencoreaujourd'huidansnotreMonarchie.Maisilestdifficilequ'onenpuissefaireunerégleuniverselle,puisquelesuccèsprodigieuxdesarmesOttomanesn'aétéencoresuivid'aucuneffetsemblablejusqu'ici.70Partofhisfirstvolume"DesPréjugés,"thisstatementabouttheOttomansservesasapreambletoBaillet'sanalysisofdifferentprejudicesheldregardingauthorsbasedonnationalorigin,butonlyencompassingthosenationsthatbelongto"theinformedworld"(lemondesavant).71Inhissection"DesOrientaux,"BailletincludedJews,Egyptians,Arabs,Persians,andIndians,butnotTurks.Thus,JugemensdesSavansconfirmedalong-heldbeliefreiteratedbyLaroquethat"sincetheconquestsoftheTurksintheLevant,especiallysincethefallofConstantinople,thisNation,thatonealwaysassumestobeanenemyofLettersandscholarship,hasabolishedalltypeofscienceanderuditionoverinthatCountry"(depuislesconquêtesdesTurcsdansleLevant,surtoutdepuislaprisedeConstantinople,cetteNation,qu'onsupposetoujoursennemiedesLettresetdesétudes,aabolitouteespecedescienceetd'éruditionencePays-là).72AccordingtoBaillet,themilitarydominanceoftheOttomansonlyservestoemphasizetheirlackofcuriosityandignorance.LaroquerecastsBaillet'spoint,andframeshisowncontentiononthefavorabletermsof"scienceanderudition."Laroque'sdefinitionofTurkishliteratureencompassesboththeinnateelitismof"goodtaste"andtheactivecultivationofknowledge.InfluencedbyhisreadingsofBaillet,Laroquehighlightstheimportanceoftasteasaqualifyingcriterionfornations'membershipintheRepublicofLetters.Onewayofrevealinggoodtasteanderuditionisthroughpoliteness.AgainaddressingEuropeancriticismoftheTurks,Laroquecriticizesadoublestandard:"WheredoesonenotfindeveninEurope,rudenessofmannersandignorance?Onealsofindstaste,Politesse,andErudition,whennothingpreventsonefromseekingit"(Oùnetrouve-t-onpasdansl'Europemême,delarusticitéetdel'ignorance?Ontrouveaussidugoût,delaPolitesse,etdel'Erudition,quandrienn'empêched'enchercher).73Here,Laroquepleadsfortheuniversalityofbothignoranceandgoodtaste.TheyarefoundalikeinEuropeandintheOttomanEmpire.70Baillet,Jugemensdessavans.,1:78.71Ibid.72Laroque,"Extraitd'uneLettre,"1936.73Laroque,"SecondeLettre,"2827-8.

34réputationdevertu,etd'amourpourlaverité).81ButPétis'sowneruditionwasconsecrated,asLaroquementions,bytheofficialapprobationissuedbyColbertandtheambassadorNointel.ByassertinghisownproximitytoPétis,Laroqueclaimsbyextensionthisapprobation.Thecapacityofsocialnetworkstomaintainandabidebyhierarchiescannotbeoveremphasized.Laroque'sRepublicofLetters,thoughboundbypoliteness,alsorequiresthatsanctionedexpertiseradiateoutwardfromthecourt.Laroque'sdisputewithJean-BaptisteLabatisinstructiveinthisregard.LaroquecriticizesLabat'sreeditionofLaurentd'Arvieux'smemoirs.First,heindicatesthatLabathasleftuncorrectedfactualerrorsinhisownversionofthememoirs.Hecriticizesgapsintheauthor'sdescriptionofIstanbulandchastisesd'Arvieuxformisinterpretingthemeaningofthename"Stamboul."82Then,heofferssomefaintpraisetoLabat'snewedition-"it'saworkthatdeservestocrossthesea"(c'estunOuvragequiméritedepasserlaMer).83WhatranklesLaroquehowever,isLabat'sinsinuationthathisown1717editionofd'Arvieux'smemoirswasmisleading.GesturingtowardsthepopularityandclarityofstyleofLaroque'seditionofd'Arvieux'smemoirs,Labatwritesthathemayhavejusttabledhisplanforthethirdvolume:ThiscautionedmetorefertotheAccountofM.delaRoque,whatIwouldhavehadtosayfollowingtheorderoftheoriginalMemoirsthatIhaveinmyhands,withoutdaringtohopethatthePublicwouldgreetmyeditionaswellasthatofthisesteemedWriter.Iwouldhavedoneso,ifsomepeopletowhomIowerespecthadnotmademeunderstandthatIshouldnotallowPublictolingerinthemistakenbeliefsthattheAccountofM.delaRoquehadleftitwith,andthatIwasunderanobligationtodisabuseit.Celam'avertissoitderenvoyeràlaRelationdeM.delaRoque,cequej'endevoisdireensuivantl'ordredesMémoiresoriginauxquej'aientrelesmains,nedevantpasespererquelePublicreçûtcellequejeluidonneroisaussibienquecelledececélébreEcrivain.J'auraisprisceparti,sidespersonnesàquijedoisdurespectnem'avoientfaitcomprendrequejenedevoispaslaisserlePublicdansl'erreuroùlaRelationdeMdelaRoquel'ajetté,&quej'étoisdansl'obligationdeledétromper.84LabatimpugnsthereliabilityofLaroque'sedition,publishedeighteenyearsearlier,andwhich,hecontendsmisrepresentedtheorderofd'Arvieux'stravels.OnecangleanfromLabat'saccusationtheminoracclaimLaroquebenefittedfromasawriter.Yet,LabatalsodismissesLaroqueasbeingmerelythat:a"writer."Theuseoftheword"Ecrivain"in81Laroque,"SecondeLettre,"2821.82Laroque,"TroisièmeLettre,"248.83Ibid.,249.84Laurentd'Arvieux,MémoiresDuChevalierd'Arvieux,EnvoyéExtraordinaireDuRoyÀLaPorte,Consuld'Alep,d'Alger,deTripolietAutresÉchellesDuLevant :ContenantSesVoyagesÀConstantinople,Dansl'Asie,LaSyrie,LaPalestine,l'ÉgypteetLaBarbarie....T.3/Recueillis...deSesMémoiresOriginauxetMisEnOrdreParLeR.P.Jean-BaptisteLabat,..,ed.Jean-BaptisteLabat,6vols.(Paris:Charles-Jean-BaptisteDelespine,1735),http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k104925n,3:2.

36incompatibilitéveritable&necessairetrouve-t-onentrelecommerce&lalitterature?Sansrappellericilesexemplesdel'Antiquité,celuidequantitéd'Allemans,deFlamans,d'Anglois,deHollandois,d'Italiens,&c.quiontréüssiégalement,&mêmeconjointement,danslecommerce&dansl'étudedesLettres,détruitcetteprétenduëincompatibilité.87Laroquearguesbothbyhistoricalprecedentand,notably,bycomparison.SignalingthecoexistenceoftradeandliteratureinthecontemporaneousexamplesoftheEnglish,theDutchandothers,Laroquebringsintoevidencethefallacyofthebeliefintheincompatibilityofliteratureandtrade.HealsoarguesbyprecedencethatMarseilles,havingalwayshadatraditionofbothliteratureandtrade,wouldhavethusmaintainedthatculture.TheonlymissingelementbetweentheMarseillesofantiquityandthecityofhiseighteenth-centurypresentwastheformeracademyofMarseilles,whichLaroqueproposedtoresurrect.ForLaroque,then,anacademyoflettersisnecessaryfortheconsecrationoftheworkofmenofletters.Laroque'sletterintheMémoiresdeTrévouxinsupportoftheestablishmentofanacademywascenteredonthehistoricalprecedenceoftheartsandlettersinMarseilles,forwhichtheacademyofAntiquityplayedapivotalrole.AddressingwhathesawasthesamemisperceptionofthetraditionofartsandsciencesintheOttomanEmpire,hemadeananalogousargument.InhisearliestpleaforrecognitionoftheTurkishcultivationoflettersandsciences,Laroquedrawsuponanarcanehistoricalprecedent.DrawinguponthehistoriesofdifferentCentralAsiandynastiesinhisfirstletteronTurkishliterature,Laroqueprovidesexamplesofacademiesthatthrivedundertheirempire.OftheQarakhaniddynasty,hecitestheexampleof"KedderKhan,whoreignedinTransoxianaorTurkestaninthefifthcenturyoftheHijra"(KedderKan,quiregnoitdanslaTransoxane,ouleTurquestan,dansleVeSiecledel'Hegire).88AccordingtoLaroque:HehadformedanAcademythatwasassembledinhispresence,beinghimselfseatedonaraisedplatform,atthefootofwhichwerethreelargebasinsfullofgoldandsilverthathedistributedtotheAcademymembersaccordingtothevalueandthemeritoftheirworks.ThisPrincealwayshadathiscourtahundredorsoelitescholarswhoaccompaniedhim everywhereandto whomheconferredlargepensions.IlavoitforméuneAcadémiequis'assembloitensaprésence,étantassissuruneEstradeélevée,aupieddelaquelleétoientquatregrandsbassinsremplisd'oretd'argent,qu'ildistribuoitauxAcadémiciens,suivantleprixetleméritedeleursOuvrages.CePrinceavoittoûjoursàsaCourunecentainedeSçavansd'élite,quil'accompagnoientpartout,etauxquelsildonnoitdegrossespensions.89AsfortheKhawarzmianprince,Atsiz,"heoftenassembledanacademyinthemiddleofhiscourttodiscussBellesLettres,andherewardedscholarsaccordingtotheirmeritandthatoftheirproductions"(IlassembloitsouventaumilieudesaCouruneAcadémiepour87Laroque,"Projetd'établiruneAcadémie,"142-3.88Laroque,"Extraitd'uneLettre,"1935.89Ibid,,1935-36.

37conferersurlesBellesLettres,etilrécompensoitlesSçavanssuivantleurmériteetceluideleursproductions).90ItisunmistakablefromthesedescriptionsthattheTurkicrulersofoverfivehundredyearsbeforeLaroque'stimehadanticipatedpreciselythemodeloferuditionpropagatedbytheacademiesestablishedbyColbertandwhoseproceedingswerefrequentlyreportedonintheFrench-speakingperiodicals.LaroquelaudsColbertforrecognizingtheimportanceofseekingoutTurkishliteraturethroughPétis'sagency.Herehealsopraises,thoughinTurkishgarb,thesystemofpensionssetinplacebytheAcademyofInscriptiontodistributepatronageandfosteracourt-sanctionedcultureoflettersandsciences.ThatthismodelwouldbetranslatedretrospectivelyintoagenealogyofTurkishinstitutionsofpoetryandknowledgetestifiestoLaroque'sconvictionthattheroleofproducingliteratureisguaranteedbythecourt.TheexampleofAl-FarabiusedbyLaroquealsoemphasizesthenecessityofCourtpatronage:"[Farabi]firstcametotheCourtofthisPrince,wheretherewasalwaysagreatcompetitionofMenofLetters"([Farabi]vintd'abordàlaCourdecePrince,chezlequelilyavoittoujoursungrandconcoursdeGensdeLettres).91Theacademyasaninstitution,then,framesLaroque'sdiscussionofTurkishandArabiclearningaroundtherelationshipbetweenmenoflettersandthecourt.LaroquewasnotthefirsttotranslatetheacademyintotheOttomanmilieu.PétisdelaCroix,inhismanuscripttranslationofKatipÇelebi'sKashfazh-zhunun,comesupontheArabicword"maʿšar"usedbypoetsandauthorstoaddressagroupoftheirpeersoragroupofelites,andtranslatesitas"Academy"aftertentativelyconsidering"society."92Inaside-by-sidetranslation,Pétistakes"anāusarraytuhuilāmaʿšariakābiril-ʿulimā'"(Ihaveconfidedittotheesteemedassemblyofthegreatestofscholars)andtranslatesitas"Ihavededicated[thiswork]tothesocietAcademyofthemostperfectscholars"(Jel'aydediéal'asocietAcademiedesScavanslesplusparfaits).93Unsureastohowbesttotranslatethenotionofanelitegroupofscholars,PétisusesthemostreadilyavailableanalogyfromtheFrenchmodelforproducingknowledge.Furtherinhistranslation,whereKatipÇelebidefinesthescienceofadab-whatwemightcallthescienceofliterature-Pétistransliteratestheheading"ylmaladab,"andinturntranslatesitas"thescienceofArabicbelleslettres"(sciencedesbelleslettresArabes).Pétisaddsanoteforthereaderinthemarginofthepagethatrefersto"thescienceofthearabesqueAcademy"(lasciencedel'Academiearabesque).94ItisnotsurprisingthatLaroquelearnedfromPétis,whosetranslationofÇelebihementionsintheMercure.Thisunderstandingofadab-"literature,"intheworkofanOttomanpolymathwritinginArabic-madeitswaytoFrancebothliterallythroughtheactivityofacademiesandmetaphorically,duetotheparadigmofliterarycreationthatconsistedinelite,court-centered,academicactivity.IfthisunderstandingofTurkishliteraturedidnotbeginwithLaroque,neitherdiditendwithhim.AtranslationofItaliantravelerGiambattistaToderini'sDelaLittérature90Ibid.,1936.91Laroque,"TroisièmeLettre,"239.92MustafaibnAbdullahKatipÇelebi,"Kashfuzh-zhunūnʿanasāmī'l-kutūbwa'l-funūn," Quidissipeleserreursencequiconcernelestitresdeslivresetlanaturedesdiversesbranchesdelascience »,Accompagnéd'unetraductionfrançaise,"trans.FrançoisPétisdeLaCroix(Paris,17031702),Arabe4462,BibliothèquenationaledeFrance,3.93Ibid.94Ibid.,125.

43constitutedfromthisprocessofaccumulation.10Itisdefinedfigurativelybythe1694Dictionnairedel'Académiefrançaiseas"menoflettersingeneral,understoodasiftheymadeuponebody[.]"11ThreeothercharacteristicsareessentialtounderstandinghowthequestionofTurkishprintcametoconcerntheRepublicofLetters:first,itsdynamicdimensionastheproductofactual"letters,"orthecorrespondenceofitsconstituentmembers;further,itsinstitutionalandmaterialiterationsintheformoflibraries,periodicals,andregionalandroyalacademies.TheAcadémiedesInscriptionsetdesBelles-LettresfoundedbyColbertin1666wasanexampleofthelatter.Whileconstitutingagroupoferuditeswhobelievedthemselvestobeinvolvedinanegalitarianenterprise,themembersoftheacademyalsobenefittedfromthesanctionofthemonarchythroughasystemofpensions.Finally,membersoftheRepublicofLetterswerenotnecessarilyprofessionalwriters.ThequestionoftheabilityoftheEuropeanRepublicofLetterstointegratetheOtherhaslongpreoccupiedscholars.PascaleCasanovaattemptstoproferabroadtheoryoftheintegrationofdifferentnationswithina"worldliteraryspace"thatconstitutesthefocusofTheWorldRepublicofLetters.Thisspaceisconstructedthrougharelationshipofdominationandsubordinationinwhich"therichestspacesarealsotheoldest[.]"12InCasanova'saccount,France's"literarycapital"earnedthroughitsnationalliteraryhistory"imposeditselfasuniversal."13ThisdelineationofpowerwithintheRepublicofLettersreinforcesbydesignthenotionofaculturallagbetweenFranceandtheOttomanEmpire.Afterall,iftheOttomansonlyacquiredliteraturewiththeadventoftheprintedbook,their"nationalliterature"wouldinfactbemuchyounger.However,Casanova'stheoryrestsonaliteraryhistoryextrapolatedfromacontemporarymarketofliteraryvaluerootedinthecirculationoftheprintedbook.Asthetitleofthischapterasserts,however,theconcernoftheRepublicofLettersatthetimeoftheestablishmentoftheOttomanprintwasnotthebookbutthemanofletters.Therelationshipofcentertoperipheryanddominanttodominated,betweenParisandIstanbul,then,mustbereevaluatedinlightofthismeasure.ThereisarichfieldofscholarshipfocusedontherelationshipsamongsindividualswithintheRepulbicofLettersacrossculturalandconfessionaldivides.LorraineDastonintroducesthequestionofthereceptivitytoandtranslationofforeignnesswithintheRepublicofLetters,inthelateseventeenthandeighteenthcenturiesin"TheIdealandRealityoftheRepublicofLettersintheEnlightenment."14DastonillustratesthevariousarticulationsoftheprincipleofimpartialityamongmenoflettersoverthisperiodinordertoenabletheaffiliationofProtestantsandforeignsubjects.WorksbySonjaBrentjes,NicholasDewandJocelyneDakhliahavesoughttoelucidatethisquestionmorepreciselythroughtheprismofrelationsbetweenEuropeanscholars10BotsandWaquet,LaRépubliquedesLettres,23-27,outlinesseveralkeycharacteristicsoftheRepublicofLetters.MydefinitionalsoreliesonGoldgar,ImpoliteLearning,whichdistinguishesthemenofletters(gensdelettres)oftheRepublicofLettersfromtheemergingEnlightenmentfigureoftheprofessionalwriter,orécrivain. 11CitedinBotsandWaquet,LaRépubliqueDesLettres,18.12Casanova,WorldRepublicofLetters,82.13Ibid.,87.14Daston,"TheIdealandRealityoftheRepublicofLettersintheEnlightenment."

46butcorrespondedwithanumberofmembersofboththeAcademyofInscriptionsinParis,andtheAcademyofLettersandSciencesofMarseilles.CaumontwasanexemplarymemberoftheRepublicofLetters:scholarshipandcollectionwerehismainavocations,andhesoughtoutthecorrespondenceofVoltaireandtheexiledHungarianPrinceRagoczy.18Hehadcontactedhisfriendandcorrespondant,Villeneuve,tosolicitnewsoftheOttomanprintingpress.CaumontwaspreoccupiedwiththeTurkishtraditionoflettersandsciences:definedas"literature."ThedefinitionsofliteratureintheFrench-speakingRepublicofLetterstowhichCaumontbelongedchangedoverthegenerations.AdrienBaillet'sJugemensdessavans19specificallyaddresseddifferentwaysinwhichdifferentnationstoldstories.TheNouvellesdelaRépubliquedeslettres20incorporatedanarrayofgenres,thoughitsspecificpurposewastheannouncementofprintpublicationsfromacrossEurope.TheMercuredeFrance,publishedfrom1672uptotheFrenchRevolution,framednewsandliteraryeventsintheformofalongconversation - initsinitialiterationastheMercuregalantinthemodeofwit,debate,andrumor - beforetakingupthepublicationofOrientaltales,scientifictreatises,anderuditeletters.Underneaththesedifferentperiodicalsandtreatisesonliterature,however,weremeaningfulinterpersonalrelationships:drawnoutcorrespondencesandmemoirsreadatacademies.SuchwastherelationshipCaumontactivelypursuedwithVilleneuve,untilthislatterputhimintouchwithPeyssonnel,andsuchwasalsotherelationshipformedbetweenPeyssonnelandMüteferrika.Alawyerbytraining,PeyssonnelfiguredamongthefoundingmembersoftheAcadémiedesSciencesetdesLettresdeMarseillein1726.ItwaslikelyhismembershipamongthiscommunityofsavantsthatmadehimappeartheidealpersontoanswerCaumont'squestions.Hiscodingdone,thiswasatasktowhichPeyssonnelappliedhimselfwithgreatrelish.AnditisCaumont'scuriositythatledhimtopursueafriendshipwithhisneighbortwenty-fiveyearshissenior,Müteferrika.HewritestoCaumont,inaletterdatedMay12,1738:Ontheotherside,IhaveIbrahimefendiasaneighbor;youknowofhim,nodoubt;he'sthefounderoftheTurkishprintingpress;Hungarianbynation,formerlyaminister;nowaTurk;he'sagoodfellow,andIdon'tknowforwhathereasonhechangedhisReligion.Hehasanenterprisingmind;morelaboriousthanknowledgeable,hehasconservedsomeshadeofLatin,whichputsmeinapositiontoconversewithhimwithoutaninterpreter;he'sthemostappropriatemantogivemetheclarificationsyourequestabouttheingenuityoftheTurksandthetasteforthesciencestheybelievethemselvestohold;Ihaveformedafriendshipwithhimforthispurposeandoutofloveforyou[.]18FormoreinformationaboutCaumont,seetheintroductionbyHenriDurantontotheeditionofhiscorrespondancewithJeanBouhier:JosephdeSeytresCaumont,LettresDuMarquisdeCaumont,1732-1745,ed.HenriDuranton,JeanMarcillet-Jaubert,andBernardYon,CorrespondanceLittéraireDuPrésidentBouhier,no6-7(Saint-Etienne:UniversitédeSaint-Etienne,1979),3-9.19Originallypublishedin1685-6,thisnine-volumeworkwasreissuedinanaugmentededitionin1722;thusitremainedveryrelevanttothetimeperiodunderconsiderationinthispaper. 20FoundedbyPierreBayle,thisperiodicalwaspublishedinAmsterdamandappearedatirregularintervalsfrom1684to1718.

47J'aid'unautrecotépourvoisin,Ibrahimeffendi;vousleconnoisessansdoute;c'estlefondateurdel'imprimerieTurque;hongroisdenation;jadisministre;aujourdhuyTurc;c'estunfortbonhomme,etjenescaiaproposdequoy,ilachangédeReligion.C'estunespritaprojet;pluslaborieux,quesçavant,ilaconservéquelqueteinturedelalangueLatine,cequimemitaportéedeconverseravecluy,sansinterprete;c'estl'hommepluspropreamedonnerleseclaircissementsquevousdemandessurlegeniedesturcsetlegoustqu'ilspensentavoirpourlessciences;j'ailiéamitiéavecluy,danscettevüe,etpou[r]l'amourdevous[.]21OverseveralyearsofcorrespondencewithCaumont,PeyssonnelwouldturntotheHungarianprinterforinformationaboutTurkishliterature,andsoughthisinterventioninordertoobtainatreatiseonthesubject - aprojectthathadbecomemiredupinthebureaucracyoftheOttomancourtandfurtherimpededbytheinexplicableprocrastinationofaFrenchdragoman.Peyssonnel'seffortsandhisrelianceonMüteferrikaculminatemorethanadecadeofintenseinterestinthequestionofTurkishliterature,largelybroughtaboutbytheestablishmentoftheOttomanprintingpress.TheperceptionofthepressandMüteferrika'sbiographicaldetails,inasmuchastheywereknown,broughttothesurfacetwomajorpreoccupationsoftheFrenchRepublicofLetters:ontheonehand,theintegrationoftheOttomansintotheRepublicand,ontheother,thecompatibilityofliteratureandIslam.Paris1727:InitialFrenchreactionstotheOttomanprintingpressAsnewsoftheOttomanpressspread,FrenchreactionsbroughttotheforebothacclaimforitsbenefitstolalittératureandtheconvictionthatthearrivalofprintatthePortehadoccuredinspiteofIslamicprejudiceandprohibition.ThenewsreachedthemembersoftheAcadémiedesInscriptionsetdesBelles-LettresonJanuary7,1727,whenthesecretary,NicolasFréret,sharednewshehadreceivedfromIstanbuloftheSultan'sdecisiontoestablishthepress.TheregisteroftheAcademyshowsthatthisannouncementwasgreetedwithgreathopeforlalittérature.Ithadlongbeenspeculated,infact,thattherewereintheLevant,andparticularlyinthePalace,anumberofmanuscriptsthathavenotyetbeenprinted,andperhapscompletecollectionsofauthorsofwhoseworksweonlyhavepart,suchasPolybius,PompeiusTrogus,DiodorusofSicily,Livy,Tacitus,etc.dansleLevant,etenparticulierdansleSerrail,nombredemanuscritsquin'ontpointestéimprimez,etpeut-êtredesexemplairesentiersd'auteursquenous21"LettresAutographesDuMarquisDEVILLENEUVE,AmbassadeurdeFranceÀConstantinople,etdeSonSecrétaire,M.DEPEYSSONEL,AdresséesAuMarquisdeCaumont,ÀAvignon."(Paris,17421729),NAF6834,BibliothèquenationaledeFrance,81r-v.

52press.AsshownintheearlyreportsgreetingtheadventofOttomanprinting,thegreathopesinvestedin"literature"referednottoTurkishlearningatall,butrathertotheprospectoftheOttomanpressturningoutheretoforeunknowneditionsofLatinandGreekauthors.Theseaspirations,althoughevidencedneitherinMüteferrika'streatiseonthereasonsfortheadoptionofprintnorinthepurposesofthepressthatfigureintheSultan'sfirman(decree),wereexplicitintheinitialreportsofthepressreleasedintheJournaldesSavants,theMercure,andtheGazette.Eachperiodicaltookupthereportthat,ifthepressforArabic,Persian,andTurkishwassuccessful,SaidplannedtoestablishapressforGreekandLatinworksinIstanbul.41ThisunfoundedclaimwouldhaveoriginatedfromthecorrespondencebetweenSaidandAbbéBignon,and,inparticular,fromthislatter'swishfulthinking.Asroyalcensor,royallibrarianandpresidentoftheAcademy,Bignonheldgreatswaybothoverwhatwasworthprintingandwhatwasconsideredliterature.HenowsawSaidasoccupyingananalogouspositiontohisown,atoptheregulationandproductionoflettersandsciences.HavingmetSaidandhisfather,YirmisekizMehmedÇelebi,duringtheirjourneytoParisin1721,hesoughttorekindletheirearlierbondontheoccasionofthepress'sestablishment.InMarch1727BignonwrotetoSaid:"IimaginethatamongtheorientalbooksthatareinthelibraryoftheOttomanemperor,onecouldfindseveraloldoneintheGreekandLatinlanguages,aboutwhichourscholarsarequitecuriousandofwhichwehavenocopiesinFrancenorinourneighboringcountries"(Jem'imaginequ'entreleslivresorientauxquisontdanslabibliothèquedel'Empereurottoman,ils'entrouveplusieursanciensenlanguegrecqueetlatine,dontnossçavanssontfortcurieuxetquenousn'avonspointenFrancenymêmedanslespaysvoisins).42BignonwasalludingtotherumoredholdingsofclassicalworksmaintainedbytheByzantineemperorsandthenpreservedbytheOttomansaftertheconquestofConstantinople.HewasthusseekingoutaEuropeansubstrataburiedunderthefoundationsoftheOttomanEmpire.Otherthantherumors,however,littlemorethanfantasywasfuelingthisenterprise.ItwasspeculatedatthetimethatthesemanuscriptshadbeenentirelyburnedbytheMuslimconquerors,yetBignonandhisfellowmembersoftheAcademyheldouthopetofindsomethingofvaluethroughSaid'sintervention.Itwaswithsatisfaction,then,thatBignonreceivedinNovember1727apositiveresponsefromSaidtohisleadinginquiry.First,thepatronofthepressenclosedproofsofthefirstpagesoftheVankulidictionarythatwastobethefirstbookpublishedatthecourt,andhepromisedtosendtheroyallibrariantwocopiesofeachprintedition,"eitherinTurkish,inArabic,orinPersian,andinwhateverotherlanguageweprint"(soitenturc,soitenarabeouenpersan,etenquelautreidiomequ'onimprime).43Then,helamentedthelackofqualifiedpersonneltocompileacatalogueoftheSultan'slibraryholdingsinGreekandLatin.44Infact,thesecretaryoftheMarquisdeBonnac,theformerFrenchambassadortotheSublimePorte,whodeliveredSaid'sresponsetoMaurepas,hadbeen41"DeConstantinople,"GazettedeFrance,26;"NouvellesLitterairesdeConstantinople,"JournaldesSavants,121;andMercuredeFrance,January1727,122. 42Omont,MissionsArchéologiques,1:397.43Ibid.,1:400.44Ibid.

54identitiesontoitsfounders.Thedifferentrationalesusedtoexplaintheestablishmentofthepress,inspiteofwhatwereportrayedassignificantreligiousbarriers,weighedheavilyuponthepersonalitiesofthefoundersSaidandMüteferrika.ThedirectcontactsandbiographicalsketchesthatcirculatedaboutbothmensuggestedthattheintroductionofprintcultureattheOttomancourtwasattributableto,forSaid,ayouthfuljourneytoFranceand,forMüteferrika,aChristianupbringing.ThedescriptionofthesefiguresascultivatedscholarsandatypicalTurkscontributestothenotionofliteraturearticulatedbymembersoftheRepublicofLetters.IntheJournaldesSavants'earliestmentionoftheOttomanpress,thecorrespondenthighlightstheadvisoryroleplayedby"aRenegademonkwhohasbeenhereforsometime,andwhoisnotedtobeaveryeruditeman"(unMoineRenegatquiesticidepuisquelquetemps,&quipassepouruntrès-sçavanthomme)referringtoMüteferrika.47Müteferrika'sconversionisarecurringmotifinthedescriptionsofhimthatreachedFrenchshores.Fourmont,writingtoMaurepasonMarch29,1729,assertsthatMüteferrikawasthesoleprotectoroftheprintingpress,describinghimas"aHungarianFranciscanrenegade,calledthereIbrahimEffendi,whosputtersonlysomeshredsofhistoryandgeography"(uncordelierhongroisrenégat,appellélàIbrahimEffendi,quinebalbutiequequelqueslambeauxd'histoireetdegéographie).48InalettertoVilleneuve,datedNovemer15,1737,theFrenchdragomanDeLariaraiseddoubtsaboutthesincerityofMüteferrika'sconversion,attestingtohisenjoymentofwine.49Peyssonnel'saccountsixmonthslater,citedabove,states,"Hungarianbynation,formerlyaminister;nowaTurk;he'sagoodfellow,andIdon'tknowforwhathereasonhechangedhisReligion[.]"50ItisunclearfromPeyssonnel'sletterswhetherheeversoughtoutarationalebehindMüteferrika'sconversion,andallwehavetogobyishisownstatementofignorance.HisChristianoriginsdobecomeuseful,however,asMüteferrika'sknowledgeofLatinprovidesthetwowithalinguafranca.51Nonetheless,rumorsswirledaroundEuropeattributingdifferentoriginstoriestotheOttomanprinter,describinghimnotonly,asshownabove,asbothaProtestant(asperPeyssonnel)andaCatholic(asperFourmont),butalsoasaJew.5247"NouvellesLitterairesdeConstantinople."SeealsotheMercuredeFrance,January1727,whichdescribesMüteferrikaas"aRenegade,whohasbeeninConstantinopleforalongtime"(unRenegat,quiestàConstantinopledepuislong-temps)and"DeConstantinople,"GazettedeFrance,whichusesthesamelanguageastheJournal,describingMüteferrikaas"unMoineRenegat." 48Omont,MissionsArchéologiques,1:542.49SeeAlbertVandal,UneAmbassadeFrançaiseEnOrientSousLouisXV:LaMissionDuMarquisdeVilleneuve,1728-1741(Paris:E.Plon,Nourrit,etCie.,1887),282;andSabev,"FirstOttomanTurkishPrintingEnterprise,"81,and"PortraitandSelf-Portrait:IbrahimMüteferrika'sMindGames,"OsmanlıAraştırmaları,no.44(2014):109.50"LettresAutographes..."81r.Whencitingthisletterinhis1987articleontheprintingpress,"SavarydeBrèvesetIbrahimMüteferrika,"Duverdierinsertstheconfessionalspecification"Unitarian"inbrackets(353-54),stemmingfromclaimsmadebyNiyaziBerkesinhis1962pieceonMüteferrika,"İlkTürkMatbaasıKurucusununDinîveFikrîKimliği,"Belleten26,no.104(1962):715-37.BakiTezcanpostulatescorrectlythatDuverdierhimselfaddedthesebrackets,perpetuatinganunconfirmedtheoryaboutMüteferrika'sreligiousbeliefspriortoconversion(seeBakiTezcan,"İbrahimMüteferrikaveRisâle-iIslamiyye,"inKitaplaraVakfedilenBirÖmreTuhfe:İsmailE.Erünsal'aArmağan,ed.İsmailEErünsaletal.(Istanbul:ÜlkeArmağan,2014),545-46(alsonotedinSabev,"PortraitandSelf-Portrait,"107-08and107n23).Duverdier'sbracketedinsertionisfurthercompoundedbythefactthattheBNFrecordnumbercitedinhisarticlewaseitherincorrectorhadbeenchangedsince.51"LettresAutographes..."81r.52SeeTezcan,"İbrahimMüteferrikaveRisâle-iIslamiyye,"545-51;andSabev,"PortraitandSelf-Portrait,"108-11.

57uniquelycapableofformingabridgetoaculturethathehasostensiblyeschewed.Dakhliaaccuratelydescribesthisthinkingassymptomaticofhistoriographiesof"Islamichumanism,"whichseektoexplaininnovationintheIslamicateworldthoughtheroleofconvertsandreligiousminoritieswhoactas"thecarriersofadynamicofEuropeanknowledgeanddesignatedsuppliersofthecuriosandoflearningoftheOrient."61Obviously,thisnarrativeweighsheavilyonconjectureaboutMüteferrika'spersonalconscience,whichitselfbetraysamodernistideologyofself-consciousness.AppliedtoMüteferrikaitpresupposesamechanismofagencyunderlyingconversionthatishardlyevidentforhissocialcontext.62TheFrenchmanWhileMüteferrika'scontributionstotheOttomanprintingenterprisehavegrowninimportanceovertime,itiseasytoforgetthatMehmedSaidEffendi'snamewasmostcloselyandvisiblyassociatedwiththepressinFranceinthedecadesimmediatelyfollowingitsestablishment.KnowntotheFrenchfromhisfirsttriptoParisalongsidehisfatherin1724andcelebrateduponhis1742returnasOttomanambassadorhimself,Said(1699-1761)occupiedadistinctplaceintheemergingFrenchpublicsphere,wherehewastheobjectofmuchfascinationandliteraryfancy.JennyMandersuggeststhatthepopularwriterSaint-FoixbasedthenarratorNedimCoggiafromhisTurkishLetters(1732)ontheambassador'sson.63HealsomeritsamentioninFougeretdeMontbron's1750novelLeCosmopolite,oulecitoyendumonde.64Mostnotably,VoltairecentersthesatiricaltractDel'horribledangerdelalecture(1765)onSaidMehmedEffendi.InVoltaire'swork,SaidiscreditedwithbringingthetechnologyofprinttoIstanbulfrom"asmallStatenamedFrankrom"(unpetitÉtatnomméFrankrom)65andthereligiousoppositiontoprintisplayedup:"itappearedgoodtoMuhammadandtoustocondemn,proscribe,anathematizetheaforementonedinfernalinventionoftheprintingpress"(ilasemblébonàMahometetànouscondamner,proscrire,anathématiserladiteinfernaleinventiondel'imprimerie).66Voltaire'sendorsementofSaid,inparticular,explainsthepersistenceofsuchGallic,RepublicanpraiseforSaidasGdoura'sdescription:"brilliantmanwhoadmiredFrenchfreedom."67TheFrenchfocusonSaid,moreover,perpetuatesthenotionthatprinttechnologywasimportedfromFrance.SaidcametoembodytheidealTurkishmanofletters,whichinmanytellingsmeanthewaspracticallyFrench.UponSaid'spromotiontothepostofdeputytotheGrandVizirinAugust1746,theComtedeBonneval,himselfarenownedFrenchconvert61Dakhlia,"Unearchéologiedumêmeetdel'autre,"113.62Onthispoint,seeTalalAsad,"CommentsonConversion,"ConversiontoModernities,1996,263-73;andWebbKeane,"FromFetishismtoSincerity:OnAgency,theSpeakingSubject,andTheirHistoricityintheContextofReligiousConversion,"ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory39,no.04(1997):690.63Mander,"TurkishDelight?"128.64LouisCharlesFougeretdeMonbron,Lecosmopolite,ou,lecitoyendumonde(1750),ed.ÉdouardLangille(London:ModernHumanitiesResearchAssociation,2010),3.65Voltaire,DeL'horribleDangerdeLaLecture ;SuiviDe,Livres ;LibertéD'imprimer ;Fanatisme,ed.HervéLoichemol(Montélimar:Voixd'encre,2006),13.66Ibid.67Gdoura,LeDébutdeL'imprimerieArabe,195.

58toIslam,statedinalettertoPeyssonnel,"ThisoneisFrenchtothecore"(Celuycyestfrançoisabruler).68Peyssonnel,hadinformedCaumontinaletterbeforeSaidwastoreturntoFranceonhisownembassythathewaspracticallyhomesickforParis:"hehasconservedapolishofhisParis,ofwhichhemisseshisstaythere;naturallytimid,hereheisinaviolentstate,andFrenchfreedomisalwayspresentinhismindtomakemorebittertheslavery,fromwhicheventhepowerfulofthiscountryarenotexempt"(ilaconservéunvernisdesonParis,dontilregrettesincerementlesejour;naturellementtimide,ilesticydansunetatviolent,etlalibertéfrancoiseesttoujourspresenteasesyeuxpourluyrendreplusamerl'esclavagedontlesgrandsmemenesontpasexemptsdanscepaïs).69ThatSaidspokeFrenchproficientlywasoneofthereasonsforhiseasyadoptionamongtheFrenchRepublicofLetters.InaspecialeditionoftheMercuredeFrancedevotedtohisembassyin1742,hegarnersthiseffusivepraise:InsayingabovethatthisMinister,giventhegreattraitsofwhichheispossessed,isconsideredesteemedandwelcomedbyall,wemustaddthatthisisasurplusofpleasureforhimandforthosePersonswithwhomheisobligedtospeak,tounderstandandtospeak,ashedoes,perfectlywellourlanguage,whichhebegantolearninhisyouthduringhisfirstVoyage,whichhehassincecultivated,andofwhichhehastakenupagainitsproperpracticeduringhisEmbassy,throughreadingourbestBooksandthroughconversationwiththosePersonswhospeakitbest;itisthusthatonemaysayofthisworthyAmbassador,thatheneedsnohelptomakehimselfunderstood,andtounderstandallthatonewouldwanttosaytohim;suchthatInterpretersareusefultohimonlyforceremonyandforthedignityofhischaracter.Endisantci-dessusqueceMinistreparlesgrandesqualitésqu'ilpossede,estconsideré,estimé&souhaitépartout,nousdevionsajouterquec'estunsurcroîtd'agrémentpourlui,&pourlesPersonnesaveclesquellesilestobligédes'entretenir,d'entendre&deparler,commeilfait,parfaitementbiennotrelangue,laquelleilacommencéd'aprendredejeunessedanssonpremierVoyage,qu'ilacultivéedepuis,&dontilareprislebonusagedurantsonAmbassade,parlalecturedenosmeilleursLivres&parlaconversationdesPersonnesquiparlentlemieux;ensortequ'onpeutdirquotesdbs_dbs31.pdfusesText_37