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Med. Mediterranean Yearbook 2017

300

Strategics Sectors |

Culture & Society

Lorenzo Gabrielli

During the last decade, the issue of migrant and ref- ugee arrivals on European shores in the Mediterra- nean has undoubtedly been a constant key topic on European political agendas, as well as in the media and as a civil society concern. Nevertheless, since the Arab Spring, different “cri- ses" related to border crossings by refugees and migrants at different points of the Mediterranean (Lesbos and other islands in Greece; the islands of Lampedusa and Sicily in Italy; Ceuta and Melilla in Spain) have further increased the issue"s political relevance. The arrival of refugees, mainly Syrians, in

Europe since 2015, has raised further concerns

in athe andaonapeoplesaonatheamoveé 23
aco

Med. Mediterranean Yearbook 2017

301
control refugees is the “agreement" 1 between the

EU and Turkey of 18 March 2016, outsourcing to

Turkey the control of border crossings into Europe. A further step in this direction is represented by the

EU Commission communication “Towards a new

Partnership Framework with third countries under the

European Agenda on Migration" presented on 7

aJu nea 2016u
2 waitaforaanaansweré 3 a orderatoapreventacrossingsatoaItalyé 4 pSpijkerboerua2016ré 1

Turkey;asee:a

GARCÉS-MASCAREÑASanaSÁNCHEZ-

M

ONTIJANOap2017ré

2

aEUROPEAN COMMISSION.aìTheaEUaandaTunisiaastartanegotiationsaonavisaafacilitationaandareadmissionuîaPress release, 12 October 2016, http://

3

SHALALuaAéaìGermanaministryawantsatoareturnaasylumaseekersatoaAfricauîaIndependent, 6 November 2016, www.independent.co.uk/news/

4

Malta Declaration, see:

www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2017/01/03-malta-declaration/ 6

Med. Mediterranean Yearbook 2017

302
EU-Turkey deal, the decline in arrivals came prior to the signing of the agreement (Crawley et al., 2016), and while deportation numbers have been limited, safe corridors have not been established and refu- gees are piling up in Greece in dire conditions (Garcés-Mascareñas & Sanchez-Montijano, 2017).

This cooperation framework aimed at buffering mo-

bility outside Europe is also amplifying the market possibilities for smugglers and traffickers (Achilli,

2016) and, at the same time, displacing migratory

paths to riskier routes.

The fast adaptation of flows to

migration controls in the

Mediterranean push European

countries to continuously extend and deepen the externalization process Besides the ephemeral effects of these policies ver- sus the adaptability of the flows, the current migra- tion policies in the Mediterranean are worsening the already existing harmful consequences on human rights and physical integrity of refugees and mi- grants. In particular, the European externalization of migration control towards neighbouring countries has raised serious concerns about the violence to which refugees and migrants are exposed on their journeys. The aforementioned renewal of coopera- tion with Libya is, unfortunately, particularly illustra- tive of the risks this type of collaboration entails for the safety of migrants and refugees, as well as for the respect for their human rights, due to the worry- ing track record the Libyan authorities have in “man- aging" migrants and refugees in the country. 5 At the same time, this growing exposure to violence in transit spaces is also related to the rise in deaths in the Mediterranean space. Despite the political narrative linking the reinforcement of border control and cooperation with neighbouring countries with the need to reduce the risks related to irregular crossings of migrants and refugees, the number of people dying while attempting to reach Europe is constantly growing (Last & Spijkerboer, 2014; Far- gues & Di Bartolomeo, 2015). The latest data pro- vided by IOM on dead or missing persons in the Mediterranean clearly confirm this trend: 3,279 per- sons in 2014, 3,784 in 2015, 5,098 in 2016, and

666 in 2017 (by 13 April 2017).

6 Finally, we should also remember the limitations on human rights and the right to asylum resulting from these migration control practices (Andrijasevic,

2010; Hyndman & Mountz, 2008; Gabrielli, 2014).

This combination of a strengthening of policies to control flows, a growth in border fatalities and the degradation of the human rights of peoples on the move clearly indicates that there is a crucial need for a comprehensive reorientation of the paradigms and tools of the current policy framework. There is, then, a deep ethical need to reconcile state interests with the protection of humans on the move and to reverse the current European migration policy framework in order to prioritize the safety of people over that of states (Zapata-Barrero & Gabrielli, 2017). Furthermore, to develop a new proactive, evidence- and ethic-based policy framework of migration and mobility in the Mediterranean we need to go beyond the “crisis" framework and acknowledge that irregu- lar crossings are a structural feature of the Mediterra nean. Opening “safe channels" for refugees, as well as formal channels for recruiting foreign workers in the region will, therefore, become legitimate options for reconciling the effective protection of the rights of people on the move, their safety and the effective- ness of their right to asylum, as well as becoming a factor smoothing the path towards more symmetrical relations between Mediterranean countries.

Bibliography

ACHILLI, L.; YASSINuaNéaandaERDOŐANuaMéaMéa

TurkeyuîaPapers IEMed n. 19, 2017, www.iemed.

papersiemed/19.-neighbouring-host- cases-of-jordan-lebanon-and-turkey 5

UNSML and OHCHR. “‘Detained and Dehumanised." Report on Human Right Abuses against Migrants in Libya," 13 December 2016,

www. 6 See: http://missingmigrants.iom.int/7

Med. Mediterranean Yearbook 2017

303

IEMed Mediterranean Yearbook 2016, pp. 98-

103, 2016

www.iemed.org/observatori/arees-

MedYearBook2016_Irregular%20Migration%20

Mediterranean_Luigi_Achilli.pdf

productiveaindustryuîa

Journal of Ethnic and Mi-

gration Studies, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/

1369183X.2016.1139446

Spaceuîaina

DE GENOVAuaNéanaPEUTSuaNéapEdséruaThe

Deportation Regime: Sovereignty, Space, and

the Freedom of Movement, Durham: Duke Uni- versity Press, pp. 147-165, 2010. CASAS CORTES, M.; COBARRUBIASuaSéanaPICKLESuaJéa Anti- pode, 47(4), 894-914, 2015. CRAWLEYuaHé;aDUVELLuaFé;aJONES, KéaetaaléaìDestinationa

Europe?aUnderstandingatheadynamicsaanda

MEDMIG Final Report, November, www.

medmig.info/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/ research-brief-destination-europe.pdf FARGUESuaPhéaandaDI BARTOLOMEOuaAéaìDrowneda

EuropeuîaMigrationaPolicyaCentrea

POLICY BRIEFa

MigrationaandaRefugeeaSituationainathea

Mediterraneanuî IEMed Euromed Survey 2017,

pp. 70-78, 2017. www.iemed.org/publicacions/ historic-de-publicacions /enquesta-euromed/ euromed -survey- 2016/migration_refugees_

Euromed Survey2016.pdf

deeperaandabroaderaexternalizationuîa

GRITIM

Working Paper n° 30, Winter 2016 www.upf.edu/

documents/3329791/0/L.+Gabrielli+- +GRITIM+WP+30+2016.pdf/4a034bb9-882d-

9721-2cd6-20b133d63945

Cultures &

Conflits, 99/100, pp. 101-124, 2015.

beyonduîaUrban People, Vol. 14, n° 2, pp. 307-

318, 2014.

Jé challenge of the threshold. Border closures and migration movements in Africa, Lanham MD:

Lexington Books, pp. 3-16, 2011.

adventaofaprotectionaliteuîainaLéa

BIALASIEWICZapedéru

Europe in the World: EU Geopolitics and the

Making of European Space, Aldershot: Ashgate,

pp. 129-140, 2011. Eé p2017ruaìTheaEUÉTurkeyaAgreementaOneaYear on:aMuchaMoreathanaExternalisationuîa CIDOB opinion n. 473, April 2017, www.cidob.org/en/ publications/publication_series/opinion/ europa/the_eu_turkey_agreement_one_year_ on_much_more_than_externalisation

Wall?aNeoÉRefoulement and the Externalization

of Asylum by Australia and Europe," Government and Opposition, 43(2), pp. 249-269, 2008. theaMediterraneanuîainaBéa

TARAaandaFéaLACZKOa

pedséruaFatal Journeys. Tracking Lives Lost during Migration, Geneva: IOM, pp. 85-108, 2014.

10aFebruarya2016ua

europeísÉrefugee currentapolicyaframeworkuîaina

BOURBEAU,aPhéa

pedruaHandbook on Migration and Security,

Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Press, pp. 125-143,

2017.8

Med. Mediterranean Yearbook 2017

270

Strategic Sectors |

Economy & Territory

Michael Werz

Max Hoffman

Previously relegated to academic and policy circles, the issue of Mediterranean migration sprang dra- matically to the public attention in 2015, as Europe faced an unprecedented influx of migrants 1 from the

Middle East, the Maghreb, and Sub-Saharan Afri

ca. The migrant crisis has led to widespread human suffering, severely strained European institutional capacities, and sparked tensions between and with- in countries across the Mediterranean and Europe. The influx of migrants continued in 2016, albeit at reduced levels, and indicators point to the possibili- ty that the region is facing a “new normal" of human mobility. While securitized border responses were quickly cobbled together, less attention has been paid to the underlying drivers of these migratory flows, among them climate change and its complex secondary effects in migrants" countries of origin. While climate is far from the only factor driving mi- gration - aoraevenatheam ostaimportant a-aitaisaunden iÉ

A “New Normal" in the Mediterranean?

The migrant crisis has become a fact of life for govern- ments and societies throughout the Mediterranean. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) registered 363,348 migrant and refugee arrivals to Europe via the Mediterranean in 2016, down dramati- cally from over 1,000,000 arrivals in 2015 but still high- er than previous years. The 2016 arrivals were split al- most evenly between Greece and Italy - referred to as the eastern and western routes, respectively. The reduction from 2015 is due to a large drop in mi- grants along the eastern route through Turkey to Greece (from 853,650 to 173,561). But this overall decline in the number of arrivals should not over- shadow the fact that larger numbers of migrants at- tempted the more dangerous western route across the open sea to Italy and Malta. Migration along this route increased by 15% to 181,436 - awithaaacorr eÉ caaandatheaHornaofaAfrica a-aparticu larlyafromaNigeriaa

2015uadespiteatheaeffortsaofaFrontexa-

atheaEurop eana

BorderaandaCoastaGuardaAgency

a-awhichaman ageda toarescueasomea90u000amigrantsé 2 1

THE INTER-

NATIONALaORGANIZATIONaFORaMIGRATION, Key Migration Terms, (accessed March, 2017), available at: www.iom.int/key-migration-terms.

2

THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MIGRATIONuaMediterranean Migrant Arrivals Top 363,348 in 2016; Deaths at Sea: 5,079, 6 January,

2017, available at:

www.iom.int/news/mediterranean-migrant-arrivals-top-363348-2016-deaths-sea-5079. See also: FRONTEX, Risk Analy-

sis for 2017, 2017, available at: http://frontex.europa.eu/assets/Publications/Risk_Analysis/Annual_Risk_Analysis_2017.pdf. 9

Med. Mediterranean Yearbook 2017

271
Frontex attributes the drop in migration along the eastern route to the EU - aTurkeyamig rantadeal a-a whereinaT aanda theaheavi aTurkeya de broaderacrisisainaEU a-aTurkishare lationséaMorea hostatoaanaest imateda3u000u000arefugees p2u750u000afromaSyriaaaloner a-avulnerab leamigrants gainingachipé concernsa- aaasecuritiz edaresponseaisasimplyaunÉ ernmentsaandatheaEUaquicklyaexpandedaand

BrexitéExamining Root Causes

The eastern and western migratory routes are often considered together; there are good reasons for this, as routes are flexible and do shift to some ex- tent in response to conditions, including enforce- ment mechanisms. But looking at the countries of origin along the two routes and thinking about root causes, important distinctions emerge. The eastern route is truly a “war route" dominated by refugees and migrants from the war zones of Syria, Iraq, and

Afghanistan (though there is a growing body of

scholarship on the climatic drivers of the initial un- rest in Syria 3 The western route is more varied in its composition and its causes; it is dominated by migrants from a broad swathe of Sub-Saharan Africa and the Sahel. The primary drivers of this flow are economic under- development and demography. Countries like Nige- ria, Niger, and Mali are extremely poor and rank among the fastest growing populations in the world indeeduaNi

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focusaonlyaonabuildingabarriersatoa migrationéaTheaEUahasabegunaeffortsa toaaddressathearootacausesaofa migrationuabutanotayetaatatheascaleatheaquotesdbs_dbs24.pdfusesText_30

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