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DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES

POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CITIZENS' RIGHTS AND

CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS

WOMEN'S RIGHTS & GENDER EQUALITY

The Policy on Gender Equality

in France

IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS

Abstract

Upon request by the FEMM Committee, this in-depth analysis covers the recent developments in gender equality policies in France. It addresses the strengths and the weaknesses of French gender equality policies in the following domains: legislation, gender equality machinery, economic independence, work-life balance, participation in decision-making, gender-based violence, gender stereotypes and health and reproductive rights.

PE 510.024 EN

Document requested by the

Committee on Womenés Rights and Gender Equality

AUTHORS

Pr. El"onore L"pinard " Universit" of Lausanne, Switzerland Pr. Maryl"ne Lieber " Universit" of Gen"ve, Switzerland

RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR

Erika Schulze

Policy Department C: Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs

European Parliament

B-1047 Bruxelles

E-mail: poldep-citizens@ep.europa.eu

LINGUISTIC VERSIONS

Original: EN

Translation: FR

ABOUT THE EDITOR

Policy Departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny. To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe to its newsletter please write to: poldep-citizens@ep.europa.eu European Parliament, manuscript completed in February 2015.

ƒ European Union, Brussels 2015.

This document is available on the Internet at:

http://www.europarl.europa.eu/studies

DISCLAIMER

The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy.

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CONTENTSLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS5LIST OF TABLES5EXECUTIVE SUMMARY61.GENERAL INFORMATION71.1Background on French gender equality policies71.2An overview of gender equality policies71.2.1Gender equality: main recent developments71.2.2Gender equalitymachinery81.2.3Gender mainstreaming and gender budgeting92.GENDER EQUALITY POLICY AREAS102.1Women"s participation in decision-making102.1.1Political decision-making102.1.2Economic decision-making122.1.3Administrative decision-making122.2Women"s Economic independence132.2.1Employment132.2.2The impact of gender equality policies on female employment142.2.3The impact of 'neutral" employment policies on gender equality162.2.4The limits of anti-discrimination policies172.2.5Poverty172.2.6Pension reform and gender equality182.2.7Fiscal policy192.2.8Women"s health at work192.3Reconciliation of private and professional life202.3.1Maternity, paternity, parental leave202.3.2Childcare facilities212.3.3Elderly care222.4Eradication of gender-based violence232.4.1Domestic violence242.4.2Sexual harassment, sexual violence and rape252.4.3Trafficking in human beings and prostitution262.4.4Stalking and public places262.5Sexual and reproductive health rights262.5.1Abortion and contraception27

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2.5.2Female Genital Mutilations282.5.3Assisted reproduction technology and surrogacy282.6Gender stereotypes292.6.1Public authorities292.6.2Media302.6.3Education31REFERENCES32

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONSARTAssisted reproduction technologyCAGEECollectiveagreementon gender equality in employmentCLCAComplément libre choix d"activité-Family policy of complementaryallowance for free choice of working timeCSAConseil supérieur de l"Audiovisual-MediaCouncilDTPDocument de politique transversal-Transversal policy documentEUEuropean UnionFGMFemale genital mutilationFIJAISFichier judiciaire automatisé des auteurs d'infractions sexuelles-Digitalrecord for sexual offendersGBVGender-based violenceHCEfhHaut Conseil à l"Egalité entre les femmes et les hommes-High Councilfor Equality between Women and MenOPObservatory of ParityPAGBVPlanfor action against gender-based violenceRSARévenue de solidarité active-Active solidarity revenueRSCRapport de situation comparée-Gender equality reportSDFEService des droits femmes-Administrative service for women"s rightsWPAWomen"s Policy AgencyLIST OF TABLESTABLE 1Percentage of women in French political assemblies and executives11TABLE 2Percentage of womenon French political parties" lists for 2012 legislative elections11

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARYFrance relies on many legislative texts and policy instruments to implement its gender equalitypolicies in various domains.Knowledge transferfrom thevibrant academic researchongender equality and from activists" familiarity with the fieldwork is evidenced in the numerousreports issued by the gender equality machinery. However, the translation of this expertiseinto binding legislation and its further implementationhasoftenbeenimpeded by thelack ofpolitical willfrom the government, the lack of trainingforofficialsin the public administrationand the reluctance of social actors and social partners to embrace the gender equality agenda.In 2012, the newsocialist partygovernmentshoweditscommitment to gender equality bynominatingaMinister for women"s rights(instead of an under-secretariat),initiatinga series ofimportant laws,andrenewingtheeffort to apply gendermainstreaming in the publicadministrationthrough a better training ofpublic servantsanda better integration ofgenderequality in all domains of public policy.Gender mainstreamingandgender budgetingareincreasingly recognized by policy actors as important policy instruments and as tools toleverage change in social actors" behavior through 'ega-financement" (equa-financing), i.e. theconditionality of public funding on gender impact assessment and non-stereotyped genderrepresentations.Gender equality policies have been particularly developed and successful in the domain ofwomen"s participation indecision-makingandsexual and reproductive health.Despite interesting recent initiatives, gender equality policieshave beenless successful in thedomain ofreconciliation ofworkandfamilylife, in particular because theyhavetendedtotarget mothers rather than fathers. However,existing policiesoffer French women thepossibility to combine work and familylife. The 2014"Lawon Real Gender Equality"modifiedtheparental leave policy to encourage fathersto takeup apart of the leave.In the domain ofemployment,voluntary schemes for equal treatment of men and womenwere hampered for a long time by apersistentlack of awareness andwillingness inthe privatesector. Thissituationhas led to an incremental strengthening of thelegal requirementsandtheestablishment, for the first time in 2010, of a sanction mechanism for firms that do notadopt a gender equality plan. However,even this measure may not be effective asgender-neutral employment orpension policiescontinueto reproduce gender inequalities, genderoccupational segregation,and themarginalizationof women especially at the beginning and atthe end of their working life.While it is too early to evaluate the rather new policy againstgender-based violence,it hasto be noted thatthereisa strong political commitment to establish new policy tools andcooperation among policy actors in this domain.The issueofgender stereotypeshasrecentlyemergedas an area for public awarenessandtimid steps have been taken. Theyincludevoluntary schemes for the media,with so fardisappointing results.Thisnew area of concern might lead to new legislation and public policyin the nearfuture.Finally, it can be concluded that, in France, gender equality policies tend tohomogenize the category "women" they wish toaddress. While age and class differences areoften taken into consideration, differences linked to migration, ethnicity orgeographic locationare rarely mentioned or addressed.

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1.GENERAL INFORMATION1.1Background on French gender equality policiesiGender equality policies in France have been developed since the 1970s and representtodayaconsistent and comprehensive legalframeworkcoveringalmost alldomains of social, political and economic life.iFrance has along-standingtradition of legislating in favour of gender equality in thedomain ofemploymentand professional lifewith the first legislation dating from1972 andtheestablishmentofno less than12 laws between 1972 and 2014.iMore recent areas in whichthere have been many legislative initiatives are, on the onehand,parity in politicsand other decision-making bodies,includinga seriesoflaws strengthening gender electoral quota schemeswhich wereadoptedbetween 1999and 2014;and, on the other hand,gender-based violencewith several importantlaws on sexual harassmentadoptedin 2002,2003and 2012, and on sexual exploitationand domestic violence between 2005and 2010.iMedia and gender stereotypes constitute an emerging domain that has notyetbeen thetarget of similar legislative efforts.iInmanydomains the impetus of theEuropean Unionhas been very important inpushing the French legislatureto addressnew issues and adopt new measures. EU"sinfluence has been direct in such domains as employment discrimination and sexualharassment,and gender stereotypes,and indirect in domains such as gender quotas indecision-making.iDespitethis important legislativeframework,the implementation of genderequality policies in France is often heterogeneousand variesovertime dependingonthe political will ofthe respectivegovernments and social partners. Legislation thatappliesvoluntary measuresand self-regulationfrom social actors, rather than imposingsanctions,hasrarely metits goals.iFrance faresa 57.1 points on the EIGE gender equality index (EU average is 54) with alow score in the "Time (care+social)"dimension and scores above the EU average inPower and Money dimensions of the index.1.2An overview ofgender equality policies1.2.1Gender equality: main recent developmentsThe most important and recent development in gender equality policy is the adoption of the"Law on real gender equality"in 2014.1This law promotes an "integrated and transversalapproach to gender equality", i.e. the integration of the aim of gender equality in all policydomains. Whereas,until then,gender equality legislationhad beenpassed in a piecemealfashion, with specific laws for each policy domain, the 2014Law addresses various fields ofgender equality policy simultaneously.With 77 dispositions, the law aims atembracing all1Law n° 2014-873, August 4, 2014.

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spheres of social lifeand at filling the gap in policy implementationand strengtheningsanctions.Another important piece of legislation is the2010Law ongender-basedviolence. Whilethe 2014 RealEqualityLawis a top-down initiative emanating from the Minister forWomen"sRights,between 2012 and 2014Mrs. Najate Vallaud-Belkacem, the 2010 lawhad beendeveloped primarilybywomen"s rights organizations.The 2010 law"s main measureis thecreation of anemergency protection orderand the definition of its violation as a crime.Finally,France"sgender equality policy approach hasrecentlybeen characterized by theadoption ofgender quotasin many policy domains. While France has historically been apromoter of gender quotas in political decision-making with the adoption of gender electoralquotas (the parity laws) in 1999 and 2000, it has since 2011 transposed this approachto othersectors, imposing progressive quotasofup to 40% to corporate boards of publicly listedcompanies,2public bodies, public administration, territorial collectivities, and several civilsociety institutions.31.2.2GenderequalitymachineryFrance has a long historyof women"s policy agencies(WPA ) withthefirstadministrativestructure dedicated to the situation of women in employment created in 1965.TheCentralAdministration inCharge ofWomen"sRights(Servic e a ux droits des femmeset àl"égalité,SDFE)was created in 1984 and has been a stable component of Frenchadministrationever since, albeit withvariations inthe scope of its mandate in terms of policydomains,andin its political influence, depending on thestatus of its political authority(Minist ry orStateSecretariat or lack thereof)and the size of its staff.This centraladministration hasregionalofficesin the 22 French regions as well as 2 bureaus for over-seas territories.Depending on its budget and on its political leadership, the SDFE financesmany women"s rights organizations, enabling them to survive and tofulfiltheir missions.A second important WPA is the Observatory of Parity(OP),created in 1995in order to provideexpertise on genderbalancein decision-making and, from 2000 onwards, with a mission toactively monitorthe implementation of the parity laws in the political sphere4.In 2013,following the arrival of the Socialist Party to power,theOPwas transformed intoa newinstitution, theHigh Council for Equality between Women and Men (HCEfh)5with abroader mandate than its predecessor.The HCEfh has a mandate to reviewand evaluateallbills that might affect gender equality, to provide impact studies,andto make2Law no2011-103 January 27, 2011.3Law n°2012-347 March 12, 2012.4Until 2013, the OP was composed of experts, deputies and members from women"s rights organizations. The twostructures, SDFE and OP, had important ties but the OP had more political clout and was instrumental in strengtheningparity legislation over the yearswithnumerous reports on the implementation of the parity laws, impact studies andbill proposals. The OP had a vital role in collecting data on gender gaps, in particular in the political sphere.SeeDauphin, S. (2010).L"Etat et les droits des femmes. Des institutions au service de l"égalité?Rennes: PUR.However, it should be noted that the OP had a very small staff (most of the time only 2 civil servants and an advisoryboard of nominated experts and political personalities of 40) and that the OP"s influence on the policy process varieddepending on the political strength of its leader and of the composition of its advisory board.See Ressot C. (2013),'L"Observatoire de la Parité", in X. Bioy and M-L Pages (eds.)Egalité-Parité: Une nouvelle approche de la démocratie?Toulouse: Presses de l"Université de Toulouse 1.5http://www.haut-conseil-egalite.gouv.fr/

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recommendations to the legislature.It canselecton its ownthe laws it wants to evaluatefroma gender equality perspective.It monitors progressand provides expertisenot only in thepolitical sphere but also in the domains of gender-based violence, sexual and reproductivehealth, gender stereotypes, and international and Europeanissues.The HCEfh has a slightlybigger permanent staff of 4 persons and an advisory board of over 70 persons, includingmanyacademicexperts, members from civil societyorganisationsand,what is new,high civilservants from all theministrieswho are in charge of the implementation of genderequalityin their own ministries. This new composition of the HCEfhreflectsa deepening of gendermainstreamingto better integrate gender equalityin all the central administration branchesand their respective policies.The HCEfhhas been very active in issuing reports and impactstudiesand evaluation of public policies so far6.Legislative delegations for women"s rights7created in 1999reinforcethe influence ofa genderequality perspectiveinside the stateadministration.They often work in tandem with the HCEfhand the SDEF when they issue evaluationsand recommendations of public policies andpending legislation.1.2.3Gender mainstreaming and gender budgetingIn2000,France began to present annualevidence of the financial effortsmade to promotewomen"s rights and gender equality withthe so-called "jaune budgétaire no. 137, Men"s andWomen"sEquality", an appendix to the budgetthat estimates, ministry by ministry, theamount of the budget dedicated toactionsin favour ofwomen"s rights and gender equality. In2010, this yellow appendix was renamedTransversalPolicyDocument(Documen t depolitique transversal, DTP).The DTPgenerallyincludes a presentation of the policy, the list of programs that contribute toit, the presentation ofthe policy implementation,the overall strategy for improving theperformance of the policy, followed by a presentationof thestrategic priority objectives,theperformance indicators selected andtheassociated values. Until 2012, in practicethisdocument did not allow for a real transversal analysis ofagenderperspectiveand the FinanceMinistry did not seem to have a deep understanding of the gender budgeting perspective.Since then, the government has reaffirmed its will to promote gender equalityandwith thepublicationoftwoministerial circularson the topicin August 2013,gender mainstreaminghas becomemoreembedded in the public policy process.Thefirstcircularmakesgendermainstreaming mandatory in the assessment of each new law. In the same vein,the secondcircularrecalls the legal obligationto appoint, from 2013 onwards, at least 20% of eachgender intosenior managementpositionsof the civil service, 30% in 2015 andat least40% in20188.The HCEfh"s mission to deliver gender impact assessmentson pending legislation alsoconstitutes an important new way to ensure the implementation of gender mainstreaming.

6For example it issued 60 recommendations on the 2014 Real gender equality law,Avis n°2013-0912-HCE-007.7Two delegations, foreach of the two legislative chambers,werecreatedby the Law n° 99-585 July 12th 1999.Composed of 36 members representing all political groups, their mission is to advice the government on theconsequences of its policies on gender equality. Delegations can seize themselves of bill in order to issuerecommendations before they are adopted.8Decree no 2012-601, 30 April 2012.

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2.GENDER EQUALITY POLICY AREAS2.1Women"s participation in decision-makingKEY FINDINGSiFrance has adopted gender quotas across the board as a privileged tool to redressgender imbalance in decision-making bodies.iGender quotas (aroun d 40% ) now a ppl y to corpor ate boa rds of med ium andlargefirms, supervisory boards of public institutions, the highest category of civil servants inpublic administrations, university juries, most elected political bodies, chambers ofcommerce, and sports federations.iGender quotas, when they entail legalsanctions, appear to be very efficient.iWhile the private sector initially resisted the implementation of corporate board quotasit now adopted themwith an eyeto diversify and renewcorporateboards.2.1.1Political decision-makingIn 1999, France, after much debate,revised its Constitutionin order to allow for genderquotas in elected political bodies.9In 2000, the 'parity laws" defined the parameters of thesequotas which applied strictly to elections with an all list system (municipal councils with over3500 inhabitants, regional, senatorial and European elections) and with financial penalties fornon-compliance in legislative elections. Except for a set-back in 2003 (tw o laws10whichreduced the scope of parity for senatorial, European and regional elections and which wereoverturned in 201311) , ther e ha s beenconsistent advancementthrough a series oflegislation strengthening parity and extending it to indirectly elected bodieswhere politicalpower has relocated (e.g. intercommunal structures). In 2007, a new law applied parity to theexecutive bodies of municipalities or regions12. In 2013 an electoral law13changed the waylocal counsellors (conseillers départementaux) ar e electe d (introduc in g a 'mix tic ket" oneman/one woman) and included cities with over 1000 inhabitants in the same mode of electionas cities with over 3500 inhabitants ( a proportiona l lis t syste m allowin g stric t pari ty t o beapplied to candidate lists, a reform asked for by parity activists as early as 1999). Parity nowapplies to allelections with a list system through thezipper system: alternation of oneman/one woman. In 2014, an important piece of legislation tightened the condition for electedrepresentatives to hold several mandates at the same time, which should improve women"spresence in elected office, andincreased the financial penaltyfor non-compliance with theparity imperative for candidates to legislative elections.

9Lépinard E. (2007)L"égalité introuvable. La parité, les féministes et la République, Paris: Presses de sciences po.10Loi n°2003-697 du 30 juillet 2003 and Loi n°2003-327 du 11 avril 200311Loi n° 2013-702 du 2 août 201312Loi n°2007-128 du 31 janvier 200713Loi n° 2013-403 du 17 mai 2013

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Table1: Percentage of women in French political assemblies and executivesElection year% of womenSenate201122.1National Assembly201226.9Regional Councils201048Regional Councils" presidencies20107.7Regional Councils" executives201045.5General Councils (départements)201113.9General Councils" presidencies20115Municipal elections200835Cities over 3500 h200848.5Cities under 3500 h200832.2Mayors200813.8Highlighted in grey are elections to which parity laws applied at the time of the election.Source: Observatoire de la parité 2008 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012Table2: Percentage of women onFrench political parties" listsfor 2012 legislativeelections% female candidates% women electedLeft wing parties44.836.7Right wing parties38.412.8The conclusions thathave been drawn from these findings are:iWhere parity legislation does not apply (s o far ), wome n"s participat ion in politicaldecision-making remains low.iThe implementation of the parity law for legislative elections remains unsatisfactory.iDespite thestrengthening of the legislation, in the first place right-wing political partiesremain more reluctant to implement the parity law and by-pass it when possible14. Theyare seen as reluctant to provide women with winnableseatsin parliamentary elections.iThe 2012 National Assembly comprises 155 female MPs, out of which 125 (80.6%)belong to left wing parties15.14The right wing UMP lost around 20 millions Euros due to its non-compliance with parity in candidacies in the 2012legislative elections.

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With respect to the executive, 50% of women participate in the current (2014) socialistgovernment. Although right-wing governmentshavetended to appoint lesswomen, theirshare has improved in the 2010s around 40%under Sarkozy"s governments. Only the GreenParty and the extreme right National Front have a female party leader in 2014.2.1.2Economic decision-makingIn 2008, the Constitution was revised to extend the parity clause to 'social and professionalresponsibilities", thereby enabling the adoption of a law imposing gender quotas on corporateboards in 2011.The law implements a two-step quota of 20% by 2014 and40% by 2017forboard membersof publicly listed companies, as well as unlisted companies which have morethan 500 workers and average revenues or total assets of more than 50 million euros duringthe last three consecutive years. It also applies to some state-owned companies. The sanctionfor non-compliance is annulment of board members" appointments, and board members"benefits can be suspended.Contrary to what opponents in the business sector claimed initially, i.e. that it would not bepossible to find competent women to sit on boards,companies with more than 1 billion eurosin capital ("compartment A") in 2014 nominated 56% women, to reach a total number of 30%women sitting on boards (a higher number than that established by the law) and companieswith more than 150 million euros in capital ("compartment B") in 2014 nominated 68% womento reach a total percentage of 24.9% of women sitting on their boards.16However, it should be noted that many decision-making bodies remainoutside the scopeofthe corporate board quota law, in particular for smaller firms. In 2012, women represented44.6% of businesses"executivesbut they represented only 16.4% of owners of businesses ofmore than 10 employees17, and on average only 8% of the members of the executivecommittees of French businesses. In2012, there were no women in the executive committeesof one-third of the 60 biggest French firms. In 2009, women represented between 19 and 50%-at an average of 36%-of the members of the executive bodies of Frenchtrade unions,while they representedbetween 9 and 22%-at an average of 14.1%-of the members of theexecutive bodies of employers" organizations. There is to date no legislation imposing genderquotas to trade unions or employers" organizations.2.1.3Administrative decision-makingIn 2012, anew law was implemented imposing a40% gender quotato be reached by2018for nominations to executive functions in the public service. This quota applies toadministrative and supervisory boards of public institutions, high councils, juries and selectioncommittees in public service procedures.18The vertical gender gap has been particularly starkin the public service with 59.8% women in the public service workforce and only 21% women15For political parties' influence on the representation of women in parliaments see Dr Isabelle Kuerschner, "PoliticalParties: Door-keeper or Door-opener for Women"s Pathways into Politics?"European Parliament, Policy DepartmentCitizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs, Workshop of 20 June 2013 on "Actions for gender balance in the EuropeanParliament: EP elections 2014, European Union, Brussels 2013.16Data fromObservatoire de la parit dans les conseils d€administration, chair in governance,Burgundy BusinessSchool.17Seewww.insee.fr/fr/themes/tableau.asp?reg id=0&ref id=nattef0213518Law n°2012-347 du 12 mars 2012

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in managing positions (in 2009). Here again the first results have proven very positive and theargument of the absence of a pool of women candidates for high public service functions hasbeen contradicted by the facts. Although numbers have not yet been collected systematically,interviews with key informants suggest that the target will probably be met before 2018 inmost administrations.19Gender quotas, when they are accompanied by sanctions in case of non-compliance, haveproven to bevery effectivetools to remedy women"s absence from decision-making bodies.The 2014 Real Gender Equality Law has extended quotas tocivil society organizationssuchas sport federations.2.2Women"sEconomic independenceKEY FINDINGSiGender equality policies in employment have been in place since 1983 but with poorresults due to the lack ofinterest and commitment of the various actors in the businesssector. Recently adopted legislation should strengthen these policies.iWhile women"s rate of employment is high,itisalsocharacterized by a high rateofpart-time employment, especially in low-skilled/low-paid economic sectors.i2/3 of workers with thelowestwages are women.iGender occupational segregation is very strong.iEmployment policiesuntil now havetendedto reinforce gender occupationalsegregation and concentrate women in part-time/service/low-paid jobs.iDiscrimination due to pregnancy is widespreadbut undetected and rarely sanctioned.iActors in the businesssector, includingtradeunion representatives and labourtribunals,are not very familiar with the emerginganti-discrimination law andjurisprudence.iPolicies to fight poverty tend to reproduce gender inequalitiesiReforms of the pension system have tended to increase gender inequalities.iFiscal policy does not support women"s economic independence.2.2.1EmploymentiIn 2011,womenconstituted47.3% of theemployed population20.83%of womenbetween25 and 49years oldwereemployedinthe labour market,while95% of meninthe same age categorywereemployed.21In 2013, women between 15 to 64 years old19Lépinard, E. (2015).'From Breaking theRules to Making the Rule: the adoption and diffusion of gender quotas inFrance"working paper series, Law Department, European University institute, Florence.20Maruani M. and Méron M. (2012)Un siècle de travail des femmes en France, 1901-2011, Paris:La Découverte21Lemière S. (2013), 'L"accès des femmes en emploi. Une question de politiques" rapport pour le Ministère des Droits

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had an activity rate of 66.9%65%and men of 75.4%22(while Europe 2020 objective is75% for the whole population).While the rates of participation of women and meninthe labour markethave beenconvergingsince the 1980s,an important gap remains.iTheincrease in female employment ismainly due topart-time work.In 2012,women"s employment rate in full-time equivalentemploymentwasonly 53.4% whilemen"sfull-time equivalentemployment ratewas66.2%.One woman out of three workspart-time and formanyof thempart-time work isinvoluntary: in 2012,7.9% ofemployed women workedless than they wouldhavelikedto,compared to2.9% ofemployed men23.iWhilejob segregationis weakeningfor women and men,women are still concentratedina limited number of occupationsto a greater degreethan men: in 2011,47% offemale labour was concentrated in 10 occupations(such as care work, domestic work,or secretarial/accounting work),while only 31% of male labour was concentrated in 10occupations24.Job segregation is also visible in terms of qualification: there is apolarization of the labour market withlow-skilled, low-pay, part-time jobsmostlyoccupied by women(th ey occup y 60 % o f low-skilled jobs) , whil e skilledjobs areoccupied by men and women25.High levels of part-time work combined with low-skilledoccupations means that 2/3 of workers with the lowest wages are women.iDespite similar educational achievementsbetween women and men, in 2010 thegender pay gapwas16% between men and women working full time and 31%between all men and women who are employed.iAfter decades of higher rates ofunemploymentfor women26, aconvergencewithmen"srate seems to be happening(at respectively 10.2 and 10.3%201327). However,the economic crisis has reinforced structural gender patterns in the labour market28.2.2.2The impact ofgender equality policies on female employmentCollectivebargainingandtheAnnualGenderEqualityReport(Rappor t d e situationcomparée-RSC)have beenthe two main tools of gender equality policies in the domain ofemploymentsince 1983. Firmswith more than 50 employeesmust negotiate annually (orevery 3 years if an agreement has been reached) on equal pay and on gender equality morebroadly. In 2006,a law onequal payaddedan obligation to negotiateannuallyat thesectorlevelwith a viewto redress the gender pay gap.There is no sanction for failure to negotiate atthe branch level butanycollective agreement must include an equal pay clause in order to berecognizedasvalid by the authorities.des femmes,http://femmes.gouv.fr/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/20131209-rapport-emploi-femmes-Severine-Lemiere.pdf22EUROSTAThttp://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/submitViewTableAction.do23Pak M. (2013), 'Le temps partiel en 2011",Dares analyses, n°005, janvier.24DARES (2013), "La répartition des hommes et des femmes par métiers: une baisse de la ségrégation depuis 30ans".Dares analyses, Décembre, n°79.25Grésy B. (2009), "Rapport préparatoire à la concertation avec les partenaires sociaux sur l'égalité professionnelleentre les femmes et les hommes", Ministère du travail.http://www.ladocumentationfrancaise.fr/var/storage/rapports-publics/094000313/0000.pdf26Maruani M. and Méron M. (2012),op cit27EUROSTAThttp://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/submitViewTableAction.do28Milewski F. (2010), "Chômage et emploi des femmes dans la crise en France».La lettre de l"OFCE., n°318.

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However, despite timidprogress,implementation is clearly lacking.There is still a failureofdiagnose(including problems with data collectionin firms)andof negotiationon genderequality in the business sector.Moreover, with respect to equal pay measures,collectivebargainingoftenonly mentionsthe legal obligation withoutevaluating the pay-gap in the givenfirm and withoutproposing concrete measures to reduce the gap29.In 2010,the legalobligation to adopt a gender equality plan or to reach a collective agreement on genderequality inenterpriseswith more than 50 employees was strengthenedwith, for the first time,afinancial penalty for non-compliance(up to 1% of the total payroll) with enforcementstarting in 201230.However in 2011 only 12% of collective agreements at the firm levelincluded a gender equality clause, while only 3.5% of agreements at thesectorlevel did.There is alack of systematic data collectionabouttheCollectiveAgreements onGenderEquality inEmployment (CAGEE ) and th eir conte nts at thesectorand national levels thatwould enable better monitoring ofthe policy implementation of the 2006 law on equal pay.Howeverreportsordered by the SDFE showthatlarge firms are more likely to sign a CAGEEthan small ones. In 2009,70% of the firmsfromtheParisstockindexhad signed a CAGEE.While at thebargaininglevel it appears that there is a lack of data collection and properanalyses of gender inequalities in firms andat the sector level, there is also afailureof thefirm/sectoractors to appropriate the CAGEE and to transform it into concrete measures.Withrespect to the implementation of the 2006 lawon equal payit appears that theDirectiongénérale dutravail(the administrative authority in charge of controlling collective agreementsand their implementation)has consistently pointedtothe lack of gender equality clausesatsectorlevel when reviewing collective agreements. At the firm level,the controlhas beenmuch more lax with the argument that the various stakeholders ofcollective bargaining hadfirsttobecome familiarwiththe objective of gender equalitywhich is, however,legallystipulated since 1983.This loose monitoringreveals that the majority of actorsin the privatesector (employers , trad e unions , administrativecontrollingauthorities)are still reluctant toimplement proactive gender equality policies. Moreover, despite improved training on genderequality for state and regional administrations, the implementation of gender equality policiesin employment isnot properly monitored.31To encourage firms to proactively implement gender equality, anEquality Labelwas createdin 2004 and a network oflabelledorganizations was set up in 2006. In 2008,46 organizationshad received the label while in 2014, 51 organizations received it (representing almost 750000 employees). This stagnation again shows that mainly large organizations are setting upequality programs and that the majority of actors in the business sector are not engaging ingender equality programs.In the same vein, it istheoreticallypossible to engage in a contractual policybetweenemployers and the national agency for employmenttodiminish gender occupationalsegregation insome sectors of economic activityon a voluntary basisashas beenattemptedsince 1983,however,the actors in those sectorshaverarely implementedthese policies.Inanattempt to address barriers toimplementation,fundingsupportwas madeavailablein 201229Grésy, B. (2009),op cit.30Law n° 2010-1330 November 9th 2010.31Rabier M. (2008)Analyse des accords d"entreprise portant sur l"égalité professionnelle entre les femmes et leshommes signés depuis la loi du 23 mars 2006, Centre Maurice Halbwachs, DRESS/SDFE.

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for training programs and for the adaptation of workstationsin male-dominated activities.32Furthermore to tackle these problems, therecent 2014 RealGenderEqualityLawintroduced asimplification of the bargaining procedure on gender equality as well as anobligationtonegotiate every 5 years on job classifications in order to reduce the gap between men andwomen due to gender stereotypesinjob qualifications (Disposition2and5).It promotesactions to fight against gender stereotypes in employmentin the context of continuingeducation policiesand it creates an obligation to adopt anannualgender equality reportfor public authorities(centra l an d local).Finally, the law also stipulates that businesseswhich do notrespect the legal dispositions on gender equality cannot contract with publicauthorities.2.2.3The impact of'neutral"employment policies on gender equalityFrench employment policy is based on a number of 'Supportedemployment contracts"or'reinsertion contracts" to encourage private and public organizations to create new jobs.In thenon-market sector,women benefitvastlyfrom these 'supportedcontracts". However these aremostly part-time, low-skilled jobswithfixed term contractsin the service/care sector.Menbenefit more from"supportedcontracts"with no term limit and closer to full-time employmentin theprivatesector. While 83% of menin this ALP schemeenjoy a full-time 'supportedjob,only 54%ofwomenin this schemedo so33.Public actors in charge of employment policies are increasingly aware of the gender bias inemploymentpolicies and in the implementation by their administration. To remedy thesebiases,Pôle Emploi(th e nationa l agen cy fo r employment ) sig ne d a conventionwith theMinistry of women"s rights and the Ministry of Employment for the period2013-201834inorderto decrease genderedoccupational segregationandto promotegender equality inemployment. Nevertheless, it has to be noted thattheadministrative staffin charge ofimplementingemployment policiesisnot immune togenderstereotypesanddiscrimination.For example,a study onlocal plans forreinsertion and employment showedthat the administrative staff in charge of the policy tends to consider women with youngchildrenand women who are at the margin of the labour forceas unfit to enter the programand thereforetobenefitfrompersonal long-term support for their occupational integration35.In the same vein,following theVienna 1998 EU Strategy for Employmentand its genderequality pillar, the French government had introduced gender equality 'targets" to betterinclude women and todecrease occupational segregation inthe various training andreinsertion schemes. However these objectives were abandoned in 2002 and, consequently,women"s presence in those schemes decreased and gender segregation remains important36.Besides,theway how theapprenticeship contractsare implementedtend to reinforce gendersegregation by sector of employment(81% of girls in apprenticeship are in the service sectoragainst 24% of boys).32Decree n° 2011-1830, December 6th 2011.33Lemière S. (2014), 'Le partage entre emploi et famille et entre femmes et hommes : une question de politiques..."Regards croisés sur l"économie, n°15, Paris: La Découverte.34http://travail-emploi.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/accord_cadre_national_DGEFP_DGCSSDFE_ET_POLE_EMPLOI.pdf35PerrierG. (2011), " Les PLIE : contraintes de résultats et risques d"éviction », Connaissances de l"emploi, no. 87,décembre.36Lemière S. (2013)Op cit.

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level of the household) withmechanismsto encourage individuals togo back to work. Itconsists of two modalities: a basic-RSA for families with revenuesbelow a certain threshold,and a complement-RSA for households with revenuesabove this threshold (hence individualsare encouragedtowork in order to cumulate the basic-RSA with the complement-RSA). Inorder to benefit from the basic-RSA,individuals (me n o r women) mus t active ly lo ok foradditionalemployment if their current wages are inferior to a certain limit.Singlemothersofchildren younger than 3years oldmust look for employment onlyif their needs for day-carefor their children are met.Singlemothers"occupational integration is particularly looked afterandthey can benefit from personal social counselling.However, thecomplement-RSA tends toreinforcethetraditional division ofemployment/unemployment in the household. Indeed,if one adult does not work, usuallythewomen,the household canreceivethe complement-RSA and only thespousewho isworking must show that he/sheisactivelyseekingadditionalemployment. Hence,women inpoor families are not encouraged to seek employmentbecauseif they do,the household runsthe risk of losing the complement-RSA allocation42.As a consequence,in 60% of poorhouseholds withincomeother thanthe RSA,the manhasincomeout of workand not thewoman43.2.2.6Pension reform and gender equalityThe 2010 debate on the law reforming the pension system raised increased awareness aboutthe perpetuation of gender inequalities despite redistribution schemes inside the pensionsystem.Prospective analyses show that despite the increase in female participation in thelabour market the ratio between women"s and men"s average pensions will stabilize around60%,reflecting animportantand perpetuatedgender gap.Many factors account for thepersistenceof such an important gender gap: womenstill earn less than men, theygenerallystill have shorter time in employment, shorter careers and shorter timecontributingtotheirpension, evenmore so when they have children.44In addition,the 1993 and 2003 reformsofthe pension system-which increased the length of contribution (from 37.5 years to 40 in 1993and 41 in 2012) as well as the number of years taken into account to measure full pensionrates(from 10 years to 25 years in 1993)havecontributed to a furtherincreaseofthe gendergap in pensionsby strengthening the requirements to reach a full pension rate45.In the current pension system,two measures aim at redressing gender inequalities: for eachchild,womenreceiveextra trimesters of contribution, and the pension of mothersof 3 childrenand more isincreasedby 10%. However,these measureswill most likely beinsufficientconsidering the structural factors that fuel the gender gap46.

42Périvier H. (2012), 'Travaillez ou mariez-vous! La régulation sexuée de la pauvreté en France et aux Etat-Unis"Travail, genre et sociétés, 28/2.43Lemière, S. (2014),Op cit.44Bac C. and Albert C. (2012).'Inégalités de pension entre hommes et femmes : du constat de 2009 aux perspectivesde 2029"Retraite et société. 63/245Bonnet C., Buffeteau S., Godefroy P. (2006). 'Disparités de retraite entre hommes et femmes: quelles évolutions aufil des générations?" inEconomie et statistique, n°398-399, pp 131-148.46Silvera R. and Méron M. (2004). 'Retraites: inégalités en tous genres",Travail, genre et société, 12/2, p.213-224.

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2.2.7Fiscal policyFrance implements a fiscal policy with a family quotient (meanin g thatwith an increasingnumber of children,householdsbecome entitled to tax reductions) a s wel l a s a 'conjugalquotient"(quotient conjugal). This second quotient means thata married couple or a couplethat hassigneda civil union contract declaresrevenues together.For the calculation of the taxlevel of each income, this global revenue is divided intotwoequalshareswhich raises thelower income and decreases the higher income when it comes to the calculation of the taxlevel. Thismeans for the member of the couple with thelowerrevenuethathis/hereffectivemarginal tax rate is much higherwhilethe member of the couple with thehigherrevenue isimposed a lower taxrate than his/her revenue would normally allow. This system discouragesthe member of the couple who earns less to work more. Since in 2011,three out of fourwomen living in a couple in France earned less than their male partner,the "conjugal quotient"has been widelycriticized by feminists and economistsalike as fostering genderinequalities and preventing female employment47. Moreover, France is one of the onlyEuropean countries, along with Portugal and Luxemburg, to have a compulsory common taxdeclaration for married couples: they cannot file their tax declaration individually.2.2.8Women"s health at workHard working conditions that put employees" health at risk are usually identified with male-dominated occupations (toxic products, heavy lifting, night work, etc.). However, women arevastly exposed toother types of physical and psychological health risks. They are moreexposed than men to repetitive strain injuries and to psychological strain. The number ofwomen who are victim of an accident in theworkplace has increased by 27% between 2000and 2011, whereas the number of men has decreased by 20% over the same period48. So farpolicy-makers have not identified these issues as requiring specific public action.

47Lemière S. (2013)Op cit.48Lemière, S. (2014).Op. cit.

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2.3Reconciliation of private and professional lifeKEY FINDINGSiFrance has a long-standingpolicyframework to encouragethereconciliationofworkandfamilylife.iFor 100 children under 3 years old, there is an average of 53,9 childcare places.iHowever, women continuetobe in charge of domestic work and child-care.iFamily policieshave led to the reduction of mothers" working time and their withdrawalfrom thelabourmarket, with a particularly strong impact on less educated women.iPublic policies reinforce the traditional division of family responsibilities and inequalitiesamong women.iPoliciesfor elderly dependent peopleare insufficient and women performthiscare workoften unpaid.France appearsto bewomen and family friendly, with a high level of active women (84%)and one of the higher fertility ratesin Europe. Policies towards enrolment of children under3years old in public daycare facilities,anextended family allowance,andthepositive image ofactive mothers explain thisexceptionat the European level. Nevertheless, women continue tobein chargeof family responsibilities.Theactivity rate decreasesformothers of one or twochildren under 12 (respectively 75% and 64%), and is radically lowerformothers of threechildren under 12 (40%).2.3.1Maternity, paternity, parental leaveMaternity leave in France lasts 16 weeks (with a full salary), 6 of which are to be taken beforethe birth, while paternity leave allows 11 consecutive days off. From the 3rdchild on, leavelasts 26 weeks for women, and 18 days for men.While French policies promote thecombinationof family and work in order to facilitate andmaintain women"s employmentfor their economic independence49,some of the politicalmeasures have led to the reduction of mothers" working time or their withdrawal from thelabour marketafter birth, with a particularly strong impact on less educated women50. Familypolicies, while they help parents-particularly women-to have a better work-life balance,also reinforce the traditionalgendereddivision of work51. There are two main policy tools:iAs part of family policy: theComplementaryAllowance forthe FreeChoiceofWorkingTime(complément libre choix d"activité, CLCA) allows one of the parentsof achild under3 years old to either work part-time or to stop working, without any49Thévenon, O. (2006),'Régimes d"Etat Social et convention familiale: une analyse des régulations emploi-famille.",Economies et Sociétés, 27 (6), pp. 1137-1171.50Grésy, B. (2009),op. cit.51Fagnani, J. (2001).'La politique d"accueil de la petite enfance en France: ombres et lumières",Travail, Genre etSociétés, 6, pp. 105-119.

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guaranteeof returning tohis/her job after the leave.Parents who have worked andcontributed to the social security pension for at least eight quarters during the5previous years can benefit from it.For the first child, such an allowance is availablefor a maximum of six months. It can be extended to three years for other children, untilthe child"sthird birthday.iAs part of labour rights: theChildcareLeave(congéparental d"éducation),remunerated through the CLCA (see above),which is a right to interrupt ones career orreduce the number of hours one works. All employees who have worked at least oneyear in a company can benefit from it forup tothree years and are entitled toreturn totheir position or a similar one afterwards.Analysesof the actual impact of these policies show that these policies havereinforcedthetraditional division of family responsibilitiesamong men and women. While policies areformulated in neutral ways,in practicewomen are the main target (98% of beneficiaries in2009). In 2012, more thanhalf ofthemotherswith a child of8 years oldhadtemporarilystoppedor reducedtheiractivity,whileonly 12% of fathershad doneso52.Whenwomen stopor reduce theiremploymentactivity, they become the main person incharge ofdomestic/family work. These policies also reinforceinequalities among women, as womenwith stable/skilled jobstend to reduce their activities, while women in low-skilled/low paidjobs, who arealready disadvantagedinthe labour market, tend to stop working.Based on such an assessment, the 2014RealGenderEqualityLaw reformedparental leave inorder to improve the sharing of parental responsibilities,andimplementsactions to improvethereconciliationof work and family life and women"s employment rate.iThe duration of parental leave may be extended for an additional six monthsif takenby the second parent.iParents of two children can take a leave of three yearsprovided that the secondparent uses at least six months.iEmployees who have a spouse who is pregnant can take up to three days of absencefrom work for mandatory medical examinations.iTo protect self-employedworkerswith an associate status ('collaborateurs libéraux")the law introduces a contract suspension period and protection against breach ofcontract on the ground of pregnancy or paternity leave for fathers.2.3.2ChildcarefacilitiesFrance has long been involved in policiestargetingthe responsibilities ofparenthood.TheFamilyAllowance (prestation d"accueil du jeune enfant, PAJE) offersanallowance forchildcare costs(complément de libre choix de mode de garde)-different fromtheabove-mentioned CLCA or childcare leave-to families with children under 6 years oldand withworking parents.

52Grésy, B. (2009),op. cit.

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In 2012,therewasan average of53,9 childcare placesforevery100 children under 3years old(compared to 48,3 in 2008)-which surpasses the Barcelona targets by almost20%53.These childcare places are distributed among various childcare schemes54:iHome basedprofessionalchild-minder (assistante maternelle)-31,6%iCollective facilities-16,5 % (includingpublic nurseries, occasional daycare facilities(haltes-garderies), companies"organized daycare facilities, parents" organized daycarefacilities (crèches parentales))iChildren beginningschoolearlier than3 years old-3,8 %iPrivately hired nannies-2%The High Council fortheFamily(Haut Conseil de la Famille)estimates the extra need to beabout 320,000 places (CNAF 2013).Theaveragefigures fordaycare facilitiesconcealwidegeographical and social disparities. On the one hand, 63% of children under 3years oldstill spend most of the weekathome with their mother,and evidence shows that 90% ofchildren from families with the highest income benefit from day careoutside their home,compared to only 41% of children from low income families55. Furthermore, in somegeographicareas, the need is covered up to 80%, while in others, coverage reachesonly 9%.In the same vein, the National Centre for Family Affairs(CaisseNationaledes AllocationsFamiliales)assessesannuallythedifference between what is desired byparents and the actualchildcareavailable.Their findings show that only 44% of the parents who hope for a place incollective facilitiesactuallyget it,while78%of those who hopeforahome based child-minderare able to attain it56.These social inequalitiescanbe explained bycost ratios,which remainlargely unequal,despite the allowance for daycare costs. Fiscal policy (throughtax returns) and family policy(PAJE) help parents to pay for daycarein part, but for parentsahome based child-minder istwice as expensive as collective daycare (respectively 10,6% and 4,9%ofthesalaryfor afamily with onechild and two parents earning the French minimum wage). This cost ratio forparents diminishesassalariesgo up. Thus for alow-income familythat doesnot get a placein collective daycare, the high cost of a home based child-minder-the most available type ofchildcare-may result in the withdrawalof the mother from the labour market, in orderto takecare of her child57.2.3.3Elderly careThe increase in life expectancy, parallel to the rise of women"s activityin the workforce,generates new problems of work-family balance related to thecare ofdependentelderlyparents. Womenare usually responsible for caring forfamily members, and the demographic53Thévenon, O. (2013)'Public Childcare services in the European Union: the Model of France", inEuropean Parliament,Policy Department C: Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs, Workshop of 25 November 2013 on Barcelona Targetsrevisited, EU, Brussels:http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/workshop/join/2013/493037/IPOL-FEMM AT(2013)493037 EN.pdf54CNAF (2013),"Les résultats 2013 de l"Observatoire national de la petite enfance". Dossier de presse.55Enquête " Modes de garde et d"accueil des jeunes enfants », Drees, 2002.56Chauffaut, D., Crépin, A., Guillaudeux, V. (2012), 'Baromètre de l"accueil du jeune enfant: une situationglobalement satisfaisante, des marges de progrès",L"essentiel,118.57Lemière, S. (2013).Op. cit.

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situation may result in a reduction of employed activity or an exit from the labour market inorder to care for dependent parents. This problem has not yet beensufficientlytaken intoconsideration in gendered work-family balance policies.Support for elderly people in France is quitefragmentedand shared betweenthefamily,public institutions and for-profit and not-for-profit organizations(femalefamily members orfemale domesticcare givers).Available support islargely based on the principle of cash forcare, as elderly people have to pay for services and their families remain responsible for them.Public policies have long consisted of publicsocial insurance (retiremen t allowance , healthinsurance, health care system) and tax incentives, allowing people over 70 years old to hire adomesticcarer. Since 2001, thepersonal allowance for autonomy policy(allocationpersonnalisée d"autonomie, APA) , define s suppor t t o elder ly peopl e ove r 6 0 a s a universalright. The amount of the allowance dependsonelderly people'sresources and seldom coversthe actual costs.The French governmentalso recently added in the Labour code a"FamilySupportLeave"totake care of a dependent parent and a"FamilySolidarityLeave"to take care of dependentascendants, descendants or personsliving under the same roof at the end of their life. Thesetypes ofleave are of 3 months and do not allow for longer-term carefor elderly dependentpeople. In 2010, an "end-of-life support allowance" of 21 days was also created.In low-incomefamilies, women tend to take care of the elderly themselves, while inhigh-incomefamilies they tend to organize the various parties involved, combining publicandinformalsupportand privately hired home care-services.2.4Eradication of gender-based violenceKEY FINDINGSiThe4thplan of actiondoublesthe budget forpolicies againstgender-based violencefor2014-2016.i4 new laws focusedonreductionand prevention since 2006.iThe partnershipamong Ministries/StateSecretariats of Women"sRights,Justice,Transport, Interior, Health,andEducation as well aswithterritorial administrationswasstrengthenedto fight violence against women.iPolicy developments in the area of traffickingin human beingsand prostitutionhaveaparticular focus onthe protection ofand assistancefor victims.iThe development of research on GBVincludesa wide statistical survey on victimization.Gender-basedviolence (GBV)has become central to gender equality policyin Franceandhasproveddifficult to eradicate.Every year, about 200,000 womenexperiencedomesticviolence (physi c o r sexual ), of ten seve ral times,butonly 27% report it to a doctor or a

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specialized institution58. In 2012, 121women were killed by theirpartner. As for sexual abuse,16% of women and 5% of mendisclose that they havesuffered from a sexual aggressionduring their lifetime59. 83,000 women were raped in 201260.Data on the phenomenonwassystematically collected only in 2000 via a national quantitative survey.Whilethere is noregular funding(to repeat the survey and collect new data), anew survey on GBV hasneverthelessbeen launched on the initiative of the National Demographic Institute in 2014forfurther surveys or the collection of new data.2.4.1Domestic violenceFrance"sfirst global action plan against gender based violence(PAGBV)was proposed only in2005(2005-2007), followed by a second (2008-2010) and a third plan for action (2011-2013).Thefourthplan(2014-2016) includes a doubling of the budget allocatedcompared with theprevious term to reach66millioneuros.ThePAGVBwasreinforced on July 4,2014throughthe ratification of theso calledIstanbul Convention61,as well as theadoption on August 4,2014of thenewRealGenderEqualityLaw,whichbothshowthe strongcommitmentof thegovernment.Several laws have been promoted in recent years to strengthen the law of July 22,1992,inwhich intimate partner violenceacquired a special status,as spouse or partner abuse becamean additional aggravating factorto violence.·In 2006,a lawreinforcedprevention andreductionof intimate partner violenceand violence against children62. It generalizedtheaggravating factorin a situationofspouse topartnerand ex-partnerabuse and creates a new tool to exclude theaggressor from the family home.·In 2010, a specific law was promulgated on violence against women, intimate partnerviolence and violence against children63.Its main disposition is to create anemergency protection orderand to penalize its violation. It creates an offense ofharassment within the couple and authorizes the electronic monitoring of theperpetrator. It also takes into account thespecific situation of migrant womenwhoare victimsof domestic violence. Byproviding them with aresidence permitindependent from theirspouse,they became free to leavethe householdin case ofGBV64. However, implementation of this disposition has been lackingandadministrativeauthoritiescontinuetoissue temporary residencepermits, usuallyfor 4 months.Other actions developedin the pastto identify and assist women victims of violenceincluderegularinformation campaignsand, in March 2007,the introduction ofa singlenationalphone number, 3919,which is available forvictims or witnesses of domestic violence.

58ONDRP. (2011), " Violences physiques ou sexuelles au sein du ménage".Repères,no 15.59Ministère de la solidarité et de la cohesion sociale. (2011), "Chiffres-clés 2010. Egalité entre les femmes et leshommes".http://femmes.gouv.fr/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Chiffres cles 2010 egalite hommes femmes.pdf60Ministère des droits des femmes. (2014), "Vers l"égalité réelle entre les femmes et les homes. Chiffresclés".Paris.http://femmes.gouv.fr/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Egalite Femmes Hommes 2014.pdf61Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence.62Law no 2006-399.63Lawn°2010-76964This included a possible extension of the duration of the permit.

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The4thPAGBVhas developeda new perspective ofcomprehensive assistance to thevictim, involving the partnership and the training ofstakeholdersto fight violence againstwomen; i.e.the government, associations and local authorities. It also createda"high riskphone line"whichcan begiven by the Prosecutor to women victimsof violencewho are indanger ofexperiencingfurther violence. The PAGBV proposes to limit the use of mediation incases of domestic violence65. It also sets upa network ofregionalobservatoriesfor thefightagainst violence against women, coordinatedby an interministerialdelegation.The plan alsointends to create 1650 new spaces inshelter-an amountconsidered to beinsufficient66-and to train police officers and magistrates.Concrete consequences of the 4th PAGBVare 1/ the recent circular from the Justice Ministrytocombatintimate partner violencewhichallows for criminal investigation after filing a complaintor even a simple statement to the police (main courante)and 2/ campaigns to combat genderstereotypes and GBV in education.2.4.2Sexual harassment, sexual violence and rapeDespite theDecember23,1980 law no.80-1041 on prevention and response to rape andsexual aggression(loi relative ... la repression du viol et de certains attentats aux moeurs),most civil organizationsreportthatrape remains, as in most countries,widely unpunishedand attritionof cases throughthecriminal justice systemis still quite high for reported cases67.In 2011 and for the first time, the 3rdPAGVBfocused specifically on rape, with the objective tobetter assist victims and launch an awarenessraisingcampaign68. The 4thPAGVDincludes thesame objective addressing an evenwider spectrum of professionals (social workers, police,doctors and midwives,etc.), showing thatthis complex issue requireslong-termsolutions.Since 2004,the FIJAIS (Fichier judiciaire automatisquotesdbs_dbs25.pdfusesText_31

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